The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, Vol. 6: Quebec, 1633-1634
Author: Unknown
Date: 2016-02-21T00:00:00+00:00
Keywords: Canada -- History -- To 1763 (New France); Indians of North America -- Canada; Jesuits -- Missions; Jesuits -- North America

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Title: The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, Vol. 6: Quebec, 1633-1634

Editor: Reuben Gold Thwaites

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Language: English

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THE JESUIT RELATIONS
AND
ALLIED DOCUMENTS
Vol. VI

The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents

Travels and Explorations
of the Jesuit Missionaries
in New France

1610-1791

THE ORIGINAL FRENCH, LATIN, AND ITALIAN TEXTS, WITH ENGLISH TRANSLATIONS AND NOTES; ILLUSTRATED BY PORTRAITS, MAPS, AND FACSIMILES

EDITED BY

REUBEN GOLD THWAITES

Secretary of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin

Vol. VI

Quebec: 1633-1634

CLEVELAND: The Burrows Brothers
Company, PUBLISHERS, M DCCCXCVII

Copyright, 1897
by
The Burrows Brothers Co

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

The Imperial Press, Cleveland

EDITORIAL STAFF

Editor | Reuben Gold Thwaites
Translator from the French | John Cutler Covert
Assistant Translator from the French | Mary Sifton Pepper
Translator from the Latin | William Frederic Giese
Translator from the Italian | Mary Sifton Pepper
Assistant Editor | Emma Helen Blair
Bibliographical Adviser | Victor Hugo Paltsits

CONTENTS OF VOL. VI

Preface to Volume VI | 1
Documents:—
XXI. | Relation de ce qvi s'est passé en la Novvelle France, en l'année 1633. [Conclusion.] Paul le Jeune; Paris, 1634 | 5
XXII. | Lettre au R. P. Provincial de France, à Paris. Paul le Jeune; Québec, 1634 | 33

XXIII.

Relation de ce qui s'est passé en La Novvelle France, en l'année 1634. [Chapters i.-ix.] Paul le Jeune; Maison de N. Dame des Anges, en Nouuelle France, August 7, 1634

91

Bibliographical Data: Volume VI. | 319
Notes | 325

ILLUSTRATION TO VOL. VI

I. | Photographic facsimile of title-page, Le Jeune's Relation of 1636 | 94

PREFACE TO VOL. VI

Following is a synopsis of the documents contained in the present volume:

XXI. In the final installment of Le Jeune's Relation for 1633 (the first part was presented in our Vol. V.), the superior describes the coming (July 28), of the Hurons to Quebec, and the conference that was held between them and the French. The missionaries make arrangements to return with these savages, to labor in their country: but, at the last moment, complications arise from the murder of a Frenchman by up-country natives, and in consequence the Hurons refuse passage to the Fathers. Le Jeune closes with an earnest appeal for help in their work in Christianizing the denizens of the great wilderness.

XXII. This is a letter from Le Jeune to his provincial, written in the year 1634, but not bearing specific date. He describes the condition of the Quebec mission: states that at last the Huron country is open to them, and Brébeuf and others have gone thither. He, with Buteux, will go to the new settlement at Three Rivers, for which he gives his reasons at length. The narrator recites their difficulties with the hired workmen brought from France; and asks that these may be replaced by lay brothers of their own order. He mentions several of these brothers by name, describing their abilities and dispositions. The field of missionary work is widening, and the superior tells how it ought to be occupied, and how many should be assigned for each station. He requests the provincial to appoint another superior in Canada, as his duties are too heavy for him. More missionaries are asked for, and a special petition is entered for the appointment, in this connection, of his friend Benier.

Le Jeune describes the dwelling of the Jesuits at Quebec, and asks for means to fence in a tract of land for their cattle, and to erect a small house for the herders; also, to repair their buildings, injured by the English. He plans how they may provide a portion of their own food, hitherto wholly brought from France: and describes the crops they have thus far raised, with the effect of the climate on each. He deprecates the formation of too many missions, preferring to strengthen those already formed; and relates the kind help given them by the Company of New France.

In conclusion, our author rehearses the difficulties of reaching the wandering tribes; asks for a seminary for the children; expresses a desire to send some of these to France for education; and requests aid to enlarge the Quebec mission. The manuscript which has come down to us, lacks some of its final pages, but appears to be substantially complete.

XXIII. This document is Le Jeune's Relation of 1634, closed at the mission house in Quebec, August 7th of that year, and sent to his provincial at Paris. The following abstract covers the first nine chapters (out of a total of thirteen), which is all we have space for in the present volume.

Le Jeune, as the superior of his order in New France, describes the good conduct and piety of the French settlers, and the wisdom and goodness of the governor, Champlain. An account is given, from hearsay, of the sudden death of Jacques Michel, a profane Huguenot, a tragedy which is thought to have been a direct punishment for his blasphemies. This is followed by a long description of the conversion and baptism of certain savages, and the happy death of some of these. A definite plan is advocated for the conversion of the natives in the neighborhood of Quebec: that the French, their protectors, should make themselves more formidable to the common enemy, the Iroquois; that the friendly natives should be systematically taught agriculture, and induced to become sedentary, and, while thus acquiring this technical education, should be aided with food; that seminaries should be established, in which Indian children, both boys and girls, can be educated at Quebec.

The superior then gives a detailed account of the religious belief, traditions, and superstitions, of the Montagnais tribe, among whom he had passed the preceding winter,—their fasts, rites, and customs. He praises their intelligence, contentment, fortitude, good nature, generosity; but condemns their filthy habits, their inveterate habit of mockery and ridicule, their fierce cruelty towards enemies, their disposition to utter slander, their deceitfulness, gluttony, intemperance, vile language, and impudent habits of begging. He enumerates the animals, birds, fishes, fruits, and roots eaten by the savages. Their numerous feasts are described, and the customs and superstitions connected therewith; also, their mode of hunting elks, beavers, and other animals, and of fishing, both by nets and harpoons. He also describes some of the fauna peculiar to Canada,—the singing marmot, the skunk, the squirrels, and the humming-bird.

We take much pleasure in announcing that arrangements have been concluded with Mr. Victor Hugo Paltsits, of the staff of Lenox Library, to furnish notes for and to revise the Bibliographical Data for our series, his services commencing with the present volume. Mr. Paltsits is one of the members of the Bibliographical Society of London, and an expert of wide repute in this important field.

We are under obligations to the Rev. Rudolph Meyer, S.J., of Rome, for valuable advice and encouragement; and to the Rev. T. O'Leary, of Edgegrove, Pa., for kindly suggestions.

R. G. T.

Madison, Wis. April, 1897.

XXI (concluded)

Le Jeune's Relation, 1633

Paris: SEBASTIEN CRAMOISY, 1634

Continued from Vol. V.

6

Le 4. on tint encore vn conseil: i'y assistay auec le P. Brebeuf, car on deuoit parler de l'embarquement de nos Peres. Le sieur de Chãplain fit ses presens, qui correspondoyent en valeur à ceux que les Hurons luy auoyent faict. Receuoir des presens des Sauuages, c'est s'engager à rendre le reciproque. On parla de plusieurs choses en ce conseil, entr'autres les Hurons demanderent l'eslargissemēt du prisonnier Sauuage qui [293 i.e., 193] a tué nouuellement vn François, cõme i'ay remarqué cy dessus. Le sieur de Champlain fit merueille sur ce poinct, pour faire voir aux Hurons qu'il n'estoit pas à propos de le mettre en liberté; & qu'ayant tué vn Frãçois qui ne luy auoit fait aucun tort, il meritoit la mort. Les Hurons furent satisfaits des raisons qu'on leur apporta. On parla encore de l'amitié contractée entr'eux & les François, & que nos Peres allans en leur païs confirmeroyent puissamment cette amitié. Les Hurons estoient les plus contens du monde: ceux qui deuoyent embarquer & conduire nos Peres auoyent desia receu le loyer de leur peine future, nous leur auions mis entre les mains leurs paquets ou leur petit bagage: nous estions allé coucher au Magasin le Pere de Nouë & moy auec nos trois Peres, pour les voir monter le lendemain de grand [194] matin dans leurs petits canots, & leur dire le dernier adieu, quand tout à coup nostre ioye fut changée en tristesse. Sur les dix ou onze heures du soir vn Sauuage borgne de la nation de l'Isle grandement allié de la nation du prisonnier s'en alla crier par les cabannes de tous les Sauuages qu'on se donnast bien garde d'ẽbarquer aucun Francois, & que les parens du prisonnier estoyent aux aguets sur la riuiere pour tuer les Frãçois s'ils les 8 pouuoyent attrapper au passage. Le Dimanche precedent ceux de la nation de ce prisonnier auoyent tenu conseil auec les capitaines des Montagnaits, des Sauuages de l'isle, & des Hurons, pour voir comme ils pourroyent impetrer la grace de ce prisonnier. Les Hurons furent suppliez de la demander: estans esconduits ce Sauuage de l'Isle allié de la nation de l'homicide fit ce [195] cri public par les cabanes, qu'on n'ẽbarquast aucun Francois si on ne le vouloit mettre en danger euident de sa vie. Ayant ouy ce cry, & le Pere Brebeuf qui l'escoutoit m'ayant interpreté ce qu'il vouloit dire, ie m'en allay auec le Pere de Nouë au fort, pour en donner aduis au Sieur de Champlain. Nous estions couchez dans le magasin des François, à l'entour duquel estoyēt cabanez les Sauuages. Le Fort nous fut ouuert, & apres auoir declaré le subiet de nostre venue pendant la nuict, nous retournasmes d'où nous estiõs partis: nous trouuâmes en chemin les Capitaines des Sauuages en conseil, ausquels le Truchement, selon que le Sieur de Champlain luy auoit commandé, declara qu'on leur vouloit parler encor vne fois deuant leur depart. Le lendemain au point du iour vn Sauuage alla faire vne autre criée par les [196] cabanes, disant qu'on ne partiroit point encore ce iour là, & que la ieunesse se tint en paix, & que ceux qui n'auoyent pas traitté toutes leurs marchandises, la traittassent. Sur les huict ou neuf heures du matïn, le sieur de Champlain assembla de rechef les Capitaines des Hurons, le Sauuvage de l'Isle qui auoit faict ce cri publicq, & le Capitaine des Montagnaits. Il demanda à ce Sauuage pourquoy il auoit fait cette deffence: il repartit que tout le païs estoit en alarme, & qu'il s'alloit perdre si 10 on embarquoit des François pour les conduire aux Hurons, car les parents du prisonnier ne manqueroiēt d'en tuer quelqu'vn, & que là dessus la guerre seroit declarée. Que les Hurons mesmes seroient de la partie, car voulans defendre les François, on s'en prendroit à eux; & qu'ainsi tout le païs seroit perdu. Qu'il n'auoit [197] point fait de defence, mais donné aduis de la meschante volonté qu'auoient les parents de l'homicide: que si on deliuroit le prisonnier que tous ces troubles tomberoient d'eux mesme, & que la riuiere & tout le païs seroit libre. On demanda aux Hurons s'ils ne persistoient pas dans la volonté de nous conduire en leur païs, ils respondirent que la riuiere n'estoit pas à eux, & qu'on prit garde auec ces autres nations s'ils pourroient passer en asseurance: que pour eux ils ne demandoient pas mieux que d'embarquer des François. Ie remarquay la prudence de ces Sauuages, car ils tesmoignerent tellement l'affectiõ qu'ils nous portoient qu'ils ne vouloient point choquer les nations par lesquelles ils doiuent passer venans à Kebec: l'vn d'eux s'addressant à ce Sauuage de l'Isle luy dit, preste l'oreille maintenant, ne dy [198] point quand nous serons là hault en ton pays, que nous n'auons point parlé pour le prisonnier, nous auons fait ce que nous auons peu: mais que veux tu que nous disions aux raisons du sieur de Champlain? Les François nous sont amis à tous, s'il ne tenoit qu'à nous nous les embarquerions. Il faut confesser que les Hurons monstroient grande inclination de mener nos Peres. Le sieur de Champlain voyant ce changement si subit fit tout ce qu'il peut, & nous donna liberté de proposer toutes les raisõs que no^9 pourriõs pour faire en sorte que nos peres se peussent mettre 12 en chemin: il apporta des raisons tres-fortes, & tres-pertinentes. Il se seruit de menaces. Il leur proposa la paix & la guerre, bref on ne pouuoit rien souhaitter dauãtage. A tout cela ce Sauuage repartit qu'on ne pouuoit pas tenir la ieunesse, & qu'il [199] dõnoit aduis de leur mauuais dessein, & qu'on attendit pour cette année, qu'ils dechargeroient leur cholere contre les Hiroquois leurs ennemis; & qu'à lors la riuiere seroit libre. Ne vous en prenés point à nous, disoit il, s'il arriue quelque mal-heur: car nous n'y scaurions donner ordre. Là dessus pour gagner ce Sauuage ie demande la grace du prisonnier ayant au prealable conuenu auec le sieur de Champlain, lequel me repartit qu'il y alloit de sa vie, & que nostre grand Roy luy demanderoit conte de cet homme qu'on auoit tué: ie le prie donc de sursoir l'execution de sa mort iusques à ce qu'on eut parlé au Roy pour sçauoir sa volõté. Et là dessus poursuiuant ma pointe, ie m'addresse aux Sauuages, leur faisant paroistre l'affection que nous auions pour eux. Que nous ne poursuiuions iamais la mort de personne: [200] que nous taschions de mettre la paix par tout. Le Sieur de Champlain adioustoit des merueilles de son costé, disant que nous parlions à Dieu, que nous estions aimez de ceux qui nous cognoissoyẽt, qu'il n'en vouloit poĩt d'autres tesmoins que les Hurons mesmes qui nous auoyent tant cheris: que nous allions pour leur enseigner de grandes choses. Les Hurons repartirent que cela alloit bien, & que nous auions proposé vn bon expediẽt de retarder la mort de ce Sauuage iusques à ce que nous eussions des nouuelles de nostre grand Roy. Ie presse donc ce Sauuage de l'Isle, sçauoir mon si les parents de ce prisonnier 14 sçachans que nous plaidions pour luy, ne nous laisseroient pas passer s'ils nous rencontroyent? Que veux tu que ie te die? respondit-il, ils sont enragez: si le prisonnier ne sort il n'y a point d'asseurance. Ils ne pardonneront [201] à personne. Là dessus le Truchement repartit: S'ils font les diables, nous les ferons aussi. En vn mot le Sieur de Champlain les intimida, & leur dict qu'ils se donnassent garde eux-mesmes: & si vn Sauuage estoit apperceu auec des armes, qu'il donneroit permission à ses gens de le tirer & de le mettre à mort, & qu'ils l'auoyent menacé luy-mesme à cause qu'il va seul: mais que d'orenauant il ne marcheroit plus en enfant, mais en soldat. Ie suis amy de tous, vous estes mes amis, disoit-il aux Hurons, ie vous cheris, i'ay mis ma vie pour vous, ie la mettray encore: ie vous protegeray, mais ie suis ennemy des meschans. On the 4th, another council was held; I was present with Father Brebeuf, because the embarkation of our Fathers was to be talked over. Sieur de Champlain made his presents, which corresponded in value to those that the Hurons had made him. To accept presents from the Savages is to bind oneself to return an equivalent. A great many things were spoken of in this council; among others, the Hurons asked for the liberation of the Savage prisoner who [293 i.e., 193] had recently killed a Frenchman, as I stated above. Sieur de Champlain sought earnestly to make the Hurons understand that it was not right to restore him to liberty; and that, having killed a Frenchman who had done him no harm, he deserved death. The Hurons were satisfied with the reason given them. They spoke also of the friendship contracted between them and the French, saying that it would be greatly strengthened by the Fathers going into their country. The Hurons were the happiest people in the world. Those who were to embark and to carry the Fathers in their canoes had already received pay for their future trouble; we had placed in their hands the parcels or little baggage of the Fathers. We had gone to the Storehouse to sleep, Father de Nouë and I, with our three Fathers, that we might see them off early the next [194] morning in their little canoes, and might say to them our last farewell, when all at once our joy was changed into sadness. At about ten or eleven o'clock that night, a one-eyed Savage, belonging to the Island tribe, closely allied to the tribe of the prisoner, went among the cabins of all the Savages crying out that they should be careful not to take any Frenchmen in their canoes, and that the relatives of the prisoner were on the watch along the river to kill the Frenchmen, if they could catch them during the passage. On the previous Sunday some Savages of the same tribe as the prisoner had held a council with the captains of the Montagnaits, of the island Savages, and of the Hurons, to determine how they might secure the pardon of this prisoner. The Hurons were besought to ask it. They refused, and this Island Savage, whose tribe was allied to the tribe of the murderer, raised this [195] general cry among the cabins, warning every one not to give passage to a Frenchman, unless they wished to place him in evident danger of his life. Having heard the cry, and Father Brebeuf, who was listening, having interpreted its meaning to me, I went with Father de Nouë to the fort to give information of the same to Sieur de Champlain. We had been sleeping in the storehouse of the French, around which the Savages were encamped. The Fort was opened to us; and, after having made known the object of our night visit, we returned to the place whence we had departed. Upon the way we found the Captains of the Savages in council, to whom the Interpreter, according to the order of Sieur de Champlain, declared that he desired to talk to them once more before their departure. The next morning, at daybreak, a Savage passed through the [196] camp proclaiming that they were not to depart that day; and that the young men should keep the peace, and that those who had not sold all their merchandise should sell it. About eight or nine in the morning, sieur de Champlain again assembled the Captains of the Hurons, the Island Savages who had made this outcry, and the Captain of the Montagnaits. He asked the Savage why he had aroused that opposition; he answered that the whole country was in a state of alarm, and that it would be lost if the French were embarked to be taken to the Hurons, for the relatives of the prisoner would not fail to kill some of the party and that thereupon war would be declared; that the Hurons even would be dragged into it; for, if they defended the French, they would be attacked, and that thus the whole country would be lost; that he had [197] not aroused any opposition, but had merely made known the wicked designs of the murderer's relatives; that, if the prisoner were released, these troubles would immediately be ended, and that the river and the whole country would be free. The Hurons were asked if they still adhered to their wish to take us to their country. They answered that the river was not theirs, and that great caution must be observed in regard to those other tribes, if they were to pass by in security. As far as they were concerned, they asked nothing better than to furnish passage to the French. I observed the discretion of these Savages, for they gave evidence of their affection for us, in such manner as not to offend the tribes through which they must pass in coming to Kebec. One of them, addressing the Island Savage, said: "Now listen; when [198] we shall be up there in thy country, do not say that we have not spoken in behalf of the prisoner; we have done all that we could, but what answer wouldst thou have us make to the reasons given by sieur de Champlain? The French are the friends of all of us; if it depended only upon us, we should embark them." It must be confessed that the Hurons showed a strong inclination to take our Fathers with them. Sieur de Champlain, seeing this so sudden change, did all in his power, and gave us liberty to advance all the reasons we could, to the end that our fathers might be set on their way. He urged very strong and very pertinent reasons; he used threats; he proposed peace and war; in short nothing more could be desired. But to all this the Savage answered that they could not restrain their young men; that he [199] had given warning of their wicked intentions, and that the French ought to postpone their departure for this year; that they would vent their anger upon the Hiroquois, their enemies, and then the river would be free. "Do not blame us," said he, "if misfortune overtakes you; for we could not restore order." Thereupon, in order to win over this Savage, I asked for the pardon of the prisoner, having previously agreed upon this with sieur de Champlain, who replied to me that it was a matter of life and death with him, and that our great King would ask him to give an account of the man who had been killed. I begged him to suspend the execution of the death sentence, until the King might be spoken to, and his will learned. And thereupon, following my point, I addressed the Savages, representing our affection for them; saying that we had never sought the death of any one; [200] that we everywhere tried to promote peace. Sieur de Champlain did admirably on his part, saying that we talked to God; that we were loved by all who knew us, that he wanted no other witnesses of this than the Hurons themselves, who had cherished us so dearly; that we were going to teach them great things. The Hurons answered that it was very well, that we had proposed a good expedient; that of postponing the death of this Savage until we should have news from our great King. I then importuned the Island Savage, asking him whether the prisoner's kindred, if they knew that we were pleading for him, would not allow us to pass if they encountered us. "What dost thou wish me to say?" he answered, "they are furious. If the prisoner is not liberated, there is no safety; they will pardon [201] no one." Thereupon the Interpreter replied: "If they act the part of devils, so will we." In a word, Sieur de Champlain intimidated them, saying they must look out for themselves; that if a Savage was seen with arms, he would give permission to his men to fire upon him and kill him; that they [the savages] had threatened him himself, because he went about alone; but hereafter he would not go around like a child, but like a soldier. "I am a friend to all, you are my friends," said he to the Hurons; "I love you; I have risked my life for you, I will risk if again; I will protect you; but I am the enemy of evil-doers."

On dira que le Capitaine de la nation de ce meurtrier se deburoit saisir de ceux qui ont mauuaise volonté contre les François. il est vray, mais i'ay desia remarqué cy dessus que ces [202] Sauuages n'ont aucune police, & que leur Capitaine n'a point cette authorité. Ce qu'il peut faire, c'est de prier ces meschans de se diuertir de leurs desseins, voire mesme il est arriué autrefois que les Sauuages craignans plus les Europeans qu'ils ne les craignent maintenant, si quelqu'vn de leurs hommes auoit quelque volonté de tuer vn François, soit qu'il eut songé qu'il le debuoit faire, ou autrement, les autres le flattoyent, & luy faisoyent des presens de peur qu'il n'executast son mauuais dessein, & qu'il ne perdist par ce moyen tout le païs. Maintenant c'est beaucoup qu'ils aduertissent les François qu'ils se tiennent sur leurs gardes, comme 16 ils ont fait n'a pas long temps, disans qu'il y auoit quelques ieunes hommes qui espioient dans les bois s'ils trouueroient quelque François à l'escart pour l'assommer, & ainsi on [203] n'est point en asseurance parmy ces peuples; disons neantmoins, Qui habitat in adiutorio Altissimi, in protectione Dei cœli commorabitur.

It will be said that the Captain of the tribe of the murderer ought to have seized all those who had wicked designs against the French. It is true; but I have already remarked above that these [202] Savages have no system of government, and that their Captain has no such authority. What he can do, is to ask these wicked people to give up their designs. Indeed, it has happened before, when the Savages feared the Europeans more than they do now, if one of their men wanted to kill a Frenchman, either having dreamed that he was to do it, or from other cause, the others flattered him and made him presents, fearing that he would carry out his wicked intentions, and in this way they might lose the whole country. Now it is a great deal if they warn the French to be on their guard, as they did not long ago, saying that there were some young men who were prowling about in the woods to kill any Frenchman that they might find by himself; and thus we [203] are not safe among these people. Let us say, however: Qui habitat in adjutorio Altissimi, in protectione Dei cœli commorabitur.

Mais concluons ce conseil. Le Pere Brebeuf voyãt que sō voyage estoit rompu, & que ce seroit temerité de l'entreprendre non pour la crainte de la mort, car ie ne les vy iamais, si resolus luy, & ses deux cõpagnons le Pere Daniel, & le Pere Dauost, qu'alors qu'on parla qu'ils pourroient laisser la vie au chemin qu'ils entreprenoient pour la gloire de nostre Seigneur: mais comme ils engageoient les François à vne guerre contre ces peuples au cas qu'on les mit à mort, nous iugeasmes auec l'aduis du sieur de Champlain que la conseruation de la paix entre ces nations estoit preferable à la consolation qu'ils auroient de mourir en telle occasion. Le Pere Brebeuf voyant [204] donc ce passage fermé pour cette année, apostropha les Hurons, & leur dit: Vous estes nos freres, nous voulions aller en vostre païs pour viure & mourir auec vous: mais puisque la riuiere est bouchée, nous attendrons à l'année qui vient que tout sera paisible. C'est vous qui ferés la plus grande perte, car maintenant que ie commence à vous pouuoir parler sans truchement, ie voulois vous enseigner le chemin du ciel, & vous découurir les grandes richesses de l'autre vie; mais ce mal-heur vous priue de tous ces biens. Ils repartirent qu'ils en estoient bien marris, & qu'vne année seroit bien-tost passée.

But to the conclusion of this council. Father Brebeuf seeing that his journey was broken up, and that it would be foolhardy to undertake it,—not through fear of death, because I never saw them more resolute, both he and his two companions, Father Daniel and Father Davost, than when they were told that they might lose their lives on the road which they were about to take for the glory of our Lord: but as they would involve the French in war against these people, in case they were killed,—we agreed with sieur de Champlain, that the preservation of peace among these tribes was preferable to the consolation they would experience in dying on such an occasion. Now Father Brebeuf, seeing [204] the way closed for that year, addressed the Hurons, saying: "You are our brothers, we wish to go to your country to live and die with you; but, as the river is closed, we shall wait until the coming year, when all will be peaceable. It is you who will sustain the greater loss; because now, as I am beginning to be able to talk to you without an interpreter, I wish to teach you the way to heaven, and to reveal to you the great riches of the other life; but this misfortune deprives you of all these blessings." They replied that they were very sorry, and that a year would very soon pass away.

A l'issuë de cette assemblée nous nous en allasmes 18 par les cabanes retirer le petit bagage de nos Peres que nous auions desia mis entre les mains des Sauuages pour le porter en leur [205] païs. Ces pauures gens estoient bien faschez de cet accident, & quelques-vns du village de la Rochelle dirent au Pere que s'il vouloit venir, qu'ils l'embarqueroyent, & qu'ils esperoyent le pouuoir faire passer: mais c'estoit se mettre luy & eux & les François en danger. Voila donc l'esperãce d'entrer aux Hurons perdue pour cette année. Ie prie Dieu qu'il nous ouure la porte l'an prochain. Voicy deux raisons plus fortes que deux grosses serrures qui semblent l'auoir fermée pour vn long temps.

Upon the dispersion of this assembly, we went through the cabins, to get the little baggage of our Fathers that we had already placed in the hands of the Savages to be carried to their [205] country. These poor people regretted this unfortunate affair very much; and some of those of the village of la Rochelle said to the Father that, if he wished to go with them, they would carry him, and they hoped to give him a peaceful passage. But that would be placing himself and them and the French in danger. Thus the hope of going into the Huron country is lost for this year. I pray God to open the door for us next year. Below are two reasons, stronger than two great locks, which seem to have closed it to us for a long time.

La premiere est tirée de l'interest des Sauuages de l'Isle, des Algōquaĩs, & des autres nations qui sont entre Kebec & les Hurons. Ces peuples voudroyent bien que les Hurons ne descendissent point aux Frãçois pour traitter leurs pelleteries, afin de remporter tout le gain de la traitte, desirans eux-mesmes aller recueillir les [206] marchandises des peuples circonuoisins pour les apporter aux François: c'est pourquoy ils ne sont pas bien aises que nous allions aux Hurons, s'imaginans qu'on les sollicite de descendre, & que les François estans auec eux, on ne sçauroit si aisémẽt leur fermer le passage. La seconde raison est tirée de la crainte des Hurons: ils voyent que les François ne veulent point receuoir de presẽs pour la mort de leurs hommes quand on en a tué quelqu'vn: ils craignent que leur ieunesse ne fasse quelque mauuais coup, car ils seroient obligez d'amener vif ou mort celuy qui auroit cõmis quelque meurtre, ou bien de rompre auec les François. Cela les tient en ceruelle, d'ailleurs, le sieur de Champlain leur tesmoignant 20 qu'il n'y a point de vraye amitié si on ne s'entreuisite les vns les autres: ils desirẽt grandemẽt, du moins en apparẽce, de nous auoir [207] en leur païs. Dieu a placé des limites dans les temps, qu'on ne scauroit outrepasser: quand le moment sera arriué auquel il a deliberé de donner secours à ces nations, il n'y a digue ny barriere qui puisse resister à sa puissance.

The first is found in the interests of the Island Savages, the Algonquains, and the other tribes which are between Kebec and the Hurons. These people, in order to monopolize the profit of the trade, prefer that the Hurons should not go down the river to trade their peltries with the French, desiring themselves to collect the [206] merchandise of the neighboring tribes and carry it to the French; that is why they do not like to see us go to the Hurons, thinking that we would urge them to descend the river, and that, the French being with them, it would not be easy to bar their passage. The second reason may be found in the fear of the Hurons, who see that the French will not accept presents as a compensation for the murder of one of their countrymen; they fear that their young men may do some reckless deed, for they would have to give up, alive or dead, any one who might have committed murder, or else break with the French. This makes them uneasy. Aside from this, as sieur de Champlain has told them that there is no true friendship unless visits are interchanged, they are very desirous, at least in appearance, to have us [207] in their country. God has set limits to time, which man cannot pass. When the moment shall have come which he has fixed for giving succor to these tribes, there will be neither dike nor barrier that can resist his power.

Au reste cõme ie ne cognois point les secrets ressorts de sa prouidence, ie n'ay peu encor iusques à present m'attrister de ce retardement de nos Peres. Autant que nous pouuons coniecturer par les apparences humaines il y auoit esperance d'vne grande moisson: mais ayant fait tout ce que nous auons peu pour enuoier des ouuriers à cette recolte, nous croyons que le maistre du champ n'a pas voulu qu'on y mist encore la faucille: si ce coup est vn coup de sa bõté, qui void au delà de nos pensées qu'il soit beny pour vn iamais: si c'est vn coup de sa iustice qui ait voulu [208] chastier si rigoureusement nos offenses, qu'il foit encor beny au delà des temps. Nous detestons la cause de ce chastiment, & adorons la main qui nous frape, auec vne tres-grande confiance que celuy qui a tiré la lumiere des tenebres, tirera du bien de ce malheur. Nos Peres ne ferõt point icy oisifs. Le Pere Brebeuf leur fera leçon tous les iours soirs & matins de la langue des Hurons. Ie me sens moy-mesme fort porté d'aller à cette eschole, afin que si V. Reuer. me veut enuoyer l'an qui vient auec eux i'aye desia quelque auance: ie n'ay encor rien cõclud d'asseuré sur ce point: i'y veux pẽser pl^9 à loisir deuãt Dieu.

However, as the secret resources of his providence are hidden from me, I have not been able, up to the present time, to look with regret upon this delay of our Fathers. As far as we are able to foresee with our human vision, there are hopes of a great harvest; but, having done all that was in our power to send laborers to this field, we believe that the master thereof does not wish the sickle to be yet used upon it. If this blow is a blow from the kindness of him who sees beyond our thoughts, may he be forever blessed. If it is a stroke of his justice for the [208] severe chastisement of our offences, still be he blessed beyond all time. We hate the cause of this chastisement, and adore the hand that strikes us, very confident that he who drew light out of darkness will draw good from this misfortune. Our Fathers will not be idle here. Father Brebeuf will teach them every day, evening and morning, the language of the Hurons. I myself feel very much inclined to go to this school, in order that, if Your Reverence should wish to send me with them next year, I may already have made some progress; I have decided nothing certain yet upon this point; I wish to think about it more at my leisure before God.

Pour retourner à nos Hurons, Louys Amantacha 22 voyant que nous n'alliõs point en son païs, & qu'il s'ẽ deuoit aller le lendemain au poinct du iour, il s'en vint coucher en nôtre petite maison pour se confesser & [209] cõmunier encore vne fois auant son depart; ce qu'il fit, nous donnãt vne grande consolation, & le iour suiuãt 6. Aoust tous les Hurons trousserent bagage; & en moins de riẽ enleuerẽt leurs maisons & leurs richesses, & les emporterẽt auec eux pour s'en seruir pendant le chemin d'enuiron 300 lieuës qu'on conte de Kebec en leur païs. I'entretins quelque tẽps Louys Amãtacha, ie le sonday le mieux qu'il me fut possible; car les Sauuages sont assez complaisans & dissimulez: ie ne trouuay rien que de bon en luy, c'est l'vn des bõs esprits que i'aye veu parmy ces peuples V. R. me permettra s'il luy plaist, de le recommãder à ses prieres & à celles de tous nos Peres & Freres de sa prouince; car si vne fois l'esprit de Dieu s'empare de cete ame, ce sera vn puissant secours pour ceux qui porteront les bonnes nouuelles de l'Euãgile en ces contrées, & [210] au contraire comme il a frequēté les Anglois, s'il se porte au mal il gastera tout: mais nous auõs pl^9 sujet d'esperer le biē, que de craindre le mal. Il semble d'ailleurs que Dieu vueille ouurir les tresors de sa misericorde à ces pauures Barbares qui nous souhaittent, du moins à ce qu'il semble auec affection. Ie voy vn grand desir en nos Peres de deuorer toutes ces difficultez qui se rencontrent dãs l'estude de ces langues, & vous diriez quasi que Dieu les a arrestez pour les acquerir icy plus cõmodement, afin qu'ils puissēt à mesme temps mettre le feu en diuers endroits des Hurons quand sa Maiesté leur y donnera entrée. Ie ne crains qu'vne chose en ce dilayement, que l'Ancienne Frãce ne se 24 lasse de secourir la Nouuelle voiãt que la moisson tarde tant à meurir: mais qu'ō se souuienne que les potirõs naissent en vne nuict, & qu'il faut [111 i.e., 211] des années pour meurir les fruicts de la palme. On a esté 38 ans à ce que i'ay ouy dire, auant que de rien faire au Brasil. Combien a on attendu aux portes de la Chine? Dieu vueille qu'õ y soit biē entré de l'heure que ie parle. Ceux qui courent, & qui s'eschauffent si fort se lassent bien souuent plus qu'ils n'auancent. Ie ne dy pas cecy pour reietter bien loing la conuersion des Sauuages. Si nos Peres fussent entrés cette année aux Hurõs ie m'attendois de rescrire à V. R. l'an prochain que, receperat Samaria verbum Dei, que ces barbares auoient receu la foy; ce fera quãd il plaira à celuy duquel dépẽd ce grãd ouurage: car à mõ aduis les hõmes y peuuent bien peu, quoy qu'ils n'y doiuent espargner ny leurs trauaux, ny leur sãg, ny leur vie. ô qui verroit dans l'vne des grandes ruës de Paris ce que ie voyois il y a trois iours aupres du grand fleuue S. [212] Laurẽs, cinq ou six cens Hurõs vestus à la Sauuage, les vns de peaux d'ours, les autres de peaux de castor, & d'autres de peau d'Eslan, tous hõmes bien faits, d'vne riche taille, hauts, puissans, d'vne bõne paste, d'vn corps biẽfourny; qui les verroit dy ie demãdans secours, & proferans les parolles que disoit ce Macedonien à sainct Paul, Transiens in Macedoniam adiuua nos: Venés, secourés nous, apportés en nostre païs le flambeau qui n'y a iamais esclairé! ô que ce spectacle donneroit de cõpassion à ceux qui ont tant soit peu d'amour de celuy qui a verse tout sõ sang pour ces ames qui se perdent tous les iours faute que personne ne le recueille pour leur appliquer.

To return to our Hurons: Louys Amantacha, seeing that we were not going to his country, and that he was to leave us next morning at daybreak, came to sleep in our little house, in order to confess and [209] to receive holy communion once more before his departure. This he did, causing us great consolation; and on the following day, August 6th, all the Hurons packed their baggage, and in less than no time took away their houses and their riches, and carried them off, to use them on the road of about 300 leagues, which is the distance reckoned to be between Kebec and their country. I talked for some time with Louys Amantacha, and sounded him as well as I could; for the Savages are quite artful and dissimulating. I found nothing but good in him; he is one of the admirable character that I have seen among these people. Your Reverence will permit me if you please, to recommend him to your prayers and to those of all our Fathers and Brothers in your province; for, if once the spirit of God takes possession of this soul, he will be a powerful reinforcement for those who will carry the good news of the Gospel into these countries; and, [210] on the contrary, as he has associated with the English, if he be inclined to evil, he will ruin everything; but we have more reason to hope for good than to fear evil. Besides, it seems that God desires to open the treasures of his mercy to these poor Barbarians, who look upon us with affection; at least, judging from appearances. I see a great desire among our Fathers to overcome all the difficulties which are encountered in the study of these languages; and you might almost say that God has detained them that they may learn them more conveniently here, and may, at the same time, kindle the fire in a number of places among the Hurons, when his Majesty shall have opened to them the way. I only fear one thing in this delay; that Old France may fail to give New [France] the necessary aid, seeing that the harvest is so slow in ripening. But let it be remembered that mushrooms spring up in a night, while it requires [111 i.e. 211] years to ripen the fruits of the palm. It was 38 years, as I have heard, before anything was accomplished in Brazil. How long have they been waiting at the gates of China? May it be God's will that they have been received there at the hour when I write. Those who run and become greatly heated often weary themselves more than they advance. I do not say this to defer for a long time the conversion of the Savages. If our Fathers had gone among the Hurons this year, I expected to write to Your Reverence next year that receperat Samaria verbum Dei; that these barbarians had received the faith. That will be when it shall please him upon whom all of this great work depends; for, in my opinion, men can accomplish but very little here, although they should spare neither their labor, nor their blood, nor their lives. Oh, whoever would see in one of the great streets of Paris what I saw three days ago near the great river St. [212] Lawrence, five or six hundred Hurons in their Savage costumes,—some in bear skins, others in beaver, and others in Elk skins, all well made men of splendid figures, tall, powerful, good-natured, and able-bodied,—whoever would see them, I say, asking help and uttering the word of that Macedonian to saint Paul: Transiens in Macedoniam adjuva nos; "Come, help us, bring into our country the torch which has never yet illuminated it!" Oh, what compassion this spectacle would excite in these people, however little love they have for him who shed his blood for these souls that are being lost every day, because no one gathers it up to apply it to their salvation.

26 Mais il est tantost temps de m'auiser que ie n'escry plus vne lettre, mais vn liure, tant ie suis long: ce n'estoit pas mõ dessein de tãt escrire, les feuillets se sont multipliés insensiblemẽt, [213] & m'ont mis en tel point qu'il fault que i'enuoie ce brouillard pour ne pouuoir tirer & mettre au net ce que ie croirois debuoir estre presenté à V.R. I'escriray vne autre fois plus precisemẽt & plus asseuremẽt. On se fie beaucoup en ces premiers cõmẽcemens, cõme i'ay dit, au rapport de ceux qu'on croid auoir prattiqué les Sauuages. Plus valet oculatus testis quàm decem auriti. I'ay remarqué qu'apres auoir veu quelque action commune à deux ou trois Sauuages, on l'attribue incontinent à toute la Nation: L'argument qui se fait du denombremẽt des parties est fautif s'il ne les comprẽd toutes ou la plus grande partie. Aioustés qu'il y a quantité de peuples en ces contrées qui conuiennent en plusieurs choses, & differẽt en beaucoup d'autres; si bien quãd on dit que les Sauuages ont coustume de faire quelque action, cela peut estre vray [214] d'vne nation, & non pas de l'autre: Le temps est le pere de la verité.

But it is about time for me to reflect that I am no longer writing a letter, but a book, I have made it so long. It was not my intention to write so much; the pages have insensibly multiplied [213] and I am so situated that I must send this scrawl, as I am unable to rewrite it and to make a clean copy of it, such as I think ought to be presented to Your Reverence. I shall write another time more accurately, and with more assurance. In these beginnings, as I have said, much confidence is given to the reports of those who are believed to have had experience among the Savages. Plus valet oculatus testis quàm decem auriti. I have observed that, after having seen two or three Savages do the same thing, it is at once reported to be a custom of the whole Tribe. The argument drawn from the enumeration of parts is faulty, if it does not comprehend all or the greater part. Add to this that there are many tribes in these countries who agree in a number of things, and differ in many others; so that, when it is said that certain practices are common to the Savages, it may be true [214] of one tribe and not true of another. Time is the Father of truth.

C'est assez pour cette année: mille & mille actions de graces des soins & de la charité de V.R. en nôtre endroit & à l'endroit de tant de pauures peuples qu'elle oblige nous saisãt icy subsister; car quoy que nous faisiõs peu, si est ce que i'espere que nous donnerõs commencement à ceux qui viendrõt apres nous, & qui feront beaucoup. Nous sõmes tous en bonne santé par la grace de nost. Seigneur, & suppliõs V.R. d'vn mesme cœur de nous enuoier des personnes capables d'apprẽdre les langues. C'est ce que ie voy maintenant de plus necessaire pour le biẽ des ames 28 en ces pays. Pour la terre, ie luy en enuoie des fruicts, ce sont des espics de formẽt, de seigle & d'orge, que nous auõs semé pres de nôtre maisonnette. Nous ramassâmes l'an passé quelques touffes de segle que [215] nous trouuions çà & la parmy des pois: ie contay en quelques vnes 60 épics, en d'autres 80, en d'autres 112. Nous battismes ces glannes, & en tirâmes vn peu de seigle, qui nous paiera biẽ cette année la peine qu'il nous donna de le glãner l'an passé. Le peu de fourmẽt que nous auons semé deuant les neiges est fort beau, celuy qu'on a semé au printemps ne meurira point, car c'est du bled d'hyuer: il faudroit auoir du bled marsais & du bled sans barbe, on dit qu'il est meilleur. L'orge est plus beau qu'en Frãce: & ie ne doute point que si le pays estoit découuert qu'on ne rencõtrast des vallées tres fertiles. Les bois sont maligns, ils nourrissent les froids engendrent les petites gelées produisent quantité de vermines, cõme des sauterelles, des vers, des pucerõs qui mangent notamment le iardinage: nous nous éloignerons d'eux petit à [216] petit sãs toutefois bouger d'vne place. Ie r'entre en discours contre ma pensée, quittons tout pour nous recõmander aux prieres, & Saincts Sacrifices de V.R. & de toute sa prouince. Ie croy que cette missiõ est biẽ auãt dãs son cœur, & que ces pauures Sauuages y ont bõne place: celuy là y est aussi auec eux qui est en verité

D. V. R.

Tres-obligé & tres-obeissant seruiteur selon Dieu

Pavl le Ievne.

This is enough for this year; I offer thousands and thousands of thanks for the interest and charity of Your Reverence in our behalf, and in behalf of the many poor people whom you bless by keeping us here; for, although we do but little, yet I hope that we shall make a beginning for those who are to come after us and who will do a great deal. We are all in good health, by the grace of our Lord; and we beseech Your Reverence, with one heart, to send us persons capable of learning the languages. It is what I now believe to be most necessary for the welfare of the souls in this country. As to the soil, I send you some of its fruits: they are heads of wheat, of rye, and of barley, that we planted near our little house. We gathered last year a few wisps of rye that [215] we found here and there among the peas; I counted in some of them 60 kernels, in others 80, in others 112. We threshed these gleanings and took from them a little rye, which will this year pay us very well for the trouble that we had in gleaning it last year. The little wheat which we sowed before the snows is very beautiful: that which was sown in the spring will not ripen, because it is winter wheat. We must have some March wheat, and some that is beardless, for these are said to be the best. The barley is finer than in France: and I have no doubt that, if this country were cleared, very fertile valleys would be found. The woods are troublesome; they retain the cold, engender the slight frosts, and produce great quantities of vermin, such as grasshoppers, worms, and insects, which are especially destructive in our garden; we shall rid ourselves of them, little by [216] little, without, however, leaving the place. I resumed this discourse unintentionally; let us cut it short, to recommend ourselves to the prayers and to the Holy Sacrifices of Your Reverence and of your whole province. I believe that this mission is cherished by you, and that these poor Savages occupy a good place in your heart. He also is there with them who is, in truth,

Of Your Reverence,

The greatly obliged and very obedient servant, in God,

Paul le Jeune.

30

Extraict du Priuilege du Roy.

PAR Grace & Priuilege du Roy il est permis à Sebastien Cramoisy, marchand Libraire Iuré en l'Vniuersité de Paris d'imprimer ou faire imprimer vn liure intitulé Relation de ce qui s'est passé en la Nouuelle France en l'année mil six cens trente trois, Enuoyée au R.P. Barthelemy Iaquinot Prouincial de la Compagnie de Iesus en la prouince de France, Par le Pere Paul le Ieune de la mesme Compagnie, Superieur de la Residence de Kebek: & cependant le temps & espace de cinq années cōsecutiues. Auec defenses à tous Libraires & Imprimeurs d'imprimer ou faire imprimer ledit liure souz pretexte de desguisement, ou changement qu'ils y pourroient faire, à peine de confiscation, & de l'amende portée par ledit Priuilege. Donné à Sainct Germain en Laye le 10 Decembre, mil six cens trente trois.

Par le Roy en son conseil.

Poicteuin.

Extract from the Royal License.

BY Grace and License of the King, permission is granted to Sebastien Cramoisy, Bookseller under Oath, of the University of Paris, to print or to have printed a book entitled: Relation de ce qui s'est passé en la Nouvelle France en l'année mil six cens trente trois, Envoyée au R.P. Barthelemy Jaquinot Provincial de la Compagnie de Jesus en la province de France, Par le Pere Paul le Jeune de la mesme Compagnie, Superieur de la Residence de Kebek: and this during the time and space of five consecutive years. Prohibiting all Booksellers and Printers from printing or having printed the said book, under any pretext of disguise or change that they may make in it, on penalty of confiscation and of the fine provided by the said License. Given at Sainct Germain en Laye, on the 10th of December, one thousand six hundred and thirty-three.

By the King in council.

Poictevin.

XXII

Lettre du Le Jeune
au R. P. Provincial à Paris

Quebec: 1634

Source: Reprinted from Carayon's Première Mission, pp. 122-156.

34

[122] Lettre du P. Paul le Jeune, au R. P. Provincial de France à Paris.

(Copiée sur l'autographe conservé aux archives du Jésus à Rome.)

Québec, 1634.

Mon Reverend Pere,

Pax Christi.

Les larmes qui me tombent des yeux à la veuë des lettres de V. R. arrestent ma plume; je suis dur comme bronze, et cependant son affection m'a tellement amoly, que la joye me fait pleurer et me fait donner mille benedictions à Dieu. O quel cœur! quel amour! quelle volonté elle a pour nous! je ne sçay comme y correspondre, sinon de luy dire ecce me, me voilà tout entier entre ses mains et pour le Canada et pour la France et pour tout le monde, ad majorem Dei gloriam. Je me voy si foible à tout, et Dieu si puissant pour tout, qu'il me semble qu'il n'y a plus rien à désirer ny à refuire. On m'escrit que V. R. a donné pour les pauvres Canadiens jusques à l'image de son oratoire. M. de Lauson[I.] [123] dit que son affection n'a point de limites, et qu'il mettra la mission en tel estat, qu'on sera contraint de procurer la continuation d'un si grand bien. Tout le monde confesse que Dieu est pour nous, puisque le cœur des supérieurs, qui est entre ses mains, est tout à nous. Le moyen d'estre insensible à tant de biens, 36 et d'avoir le cœur et les yeux secs, dans une pluie de tant de bénédictions! Mais entrons en affaire; je n'épargneray ny l'encre ni le papier, puisque V. R. supporte avec tant d'amour mes longueurs et mes simplicités. Après l'avoir remerciée de tout mon cœur du secours qu'il luy a plu nous envoyer, comme aussy des vivres et des rafraîchissements, je luy descriray tout l'estat de cette mission.

[122] Letter from Father Paul le Jeune, to the Reverend Father Provincial of France, at Paris.

(Copied from the autograph preserved in the archives of the Gesù, at Rome.)

Quebec, 1634.

My Reverend Father,

The peace of Christ be with you.

The tears which fall from my eyes at the sight of the letters of Your Reverence, stop my pen; I am hard as bronze, and yet your love has so greatly softened me, that joy makes me weep and causes me to utter a thousand blessings to God. Oh, what a heart! What love! What good will you show toward us! I do not know how to respond to it except by saying to you, "ecce me; behold me altogether in your hands, for Canada, for France, and for all the world, ad majorem Dei gloriam."1 I behold myself so weak in all things, and God so mighty in all things, that it seems to me there is nothing more to be desired nor to be avoided. They have written me that Your Reverence has given for the poor Canadians even the very image from your oratory. M. de Lauson[II.] [123] says that his affection is boundless; and that he will put the mission in such a state, that they will be obliged to secure the continuance of so great a blessing. Everyone acknowledges that God is for us, since the hearts of the superiors, which are in his hands, are all for us. How can we be insensible to so many benefits, and keep our hearts and eyes dry, in a downpouring of so many blessings! But let us enter upon affairs; I shall spare neither ink nor paper, since Your Reverence endures with so much love my tediousness and my simplicity. After having thanked you with all my heart for the help which you have been pleased to send us, as well as for the food and fresh supplies, I will describe to you fully the state of this mission.

Commençons par ce qui s'est passé cette année. Nous avons vescu dans une grande paix, Dieu mercy, entre nous, avec nos gens, et avec tous nos françois. Je suis grandement édifié de tous nos Pères. Le P. Brebeuf[III.] est un homme choisy de Dieu pour ces pays; je l'ay laissé en ma place six mois durant, neuf jours moins, que j'ay hiverné avec les sauvages: tout a procédé toujours en paix. Le [124] Daniel[IV.] et le P. Davost[V.] sont paisibles. Ils ont bien estudié à la langue huronne; j'ay tenu la main qu'ils ne fussent point divertis de cet exercice que ie croy estre de tres grande importance. Le P. Masse[VI.] que je nomme quelquefois en riant, le Père Utile, est bien cognu de V. R. Il a eu soin des choses domestiques et du bestial que nous avons, en quoy il a très-bien 38 réussy. Le Père De Nouë,[XI.] qui est d'un bon cœur, a eu soin de nos ouvriers, les conduisant dans leur travail tout à fait difficile en ces commencemens. Notre Frère Gilbert[XII.] s'est [de] fait mieux porté cet hyver que l'autre; aussi n'a-t-il pas été si rigoureux. Je l'ay mis dans sa liberté de retourner à cette année; il a mieux aimé rester. Nous verrons comme il réussira avec nostre Frère Liégeois[XIII.] lequel à mon [125] advis, fera très-bien. Je suis le plus imparfait de tous et le plus impatient. J'ay passé l'hyver avec les Sauvages, comme je viens de dire. La faim nous a pensé tuer; mais Dieu est si présent dans ces difficultés, que ce temps de famine m'a semblé un temps d'abondance; n'estoit que je crains d'excéder, je raconterais à V. R. les sentiments que Dieu donne en ce temps-là. J'avoue que je sentois parfois la faim, et que souvent ces paroles me venoient en la bouche: Panem nostrum quotidianum da nobis hodie; mais jamais je ne songe les avoir prononcées sans adjouster cette condition si ita placitum est ante te. Je disois par fois ces autres de saint Xavier d'un assez bon cœur: Domine, ne me his eripias malis, nisi ad majora pro tuo nomine reserves. J'estois consolé jusques dans mon sommeil; mais laissons cecy, car Dieu agissoit pour lors. Voicy ce que je suis: sitost que nous fusmes secourus des créatures, je devins malade de corps et d'âme, Dieu me faisant voir ce qu'il est et ce que je suis. J'estois impatient, dégousté, cherchant la retraite 40 en notre petite maison. Je taschois bien d'arrêter cet estat de misere; mais, comme mes passions sont toute viciées, je choppois à tous coups, ne rapportant rien de ce voyage que mes deffaults. J'ai couché dans la Relation les causes pour lesquelles je suis revenu peu sçavant en leur langue; c'est asses de ce point. Pour [126] ce qui touche nos hommes, ils entendent tous les matins la sainte Messe devant leur travail; le soir ils viennent tous à la chapelle, où on fait les prières que j'envoye à V. R. Nous chantons vespres les festes et les dimanches, et on leur fait quasi tous les dimanches une exhortation. Outre cecy, on presche à Kébec; on y chante aussy les vespres, parfois la grande Messe. Voilà sommairement nos occupations de cette année passée; la Relation en parle plus amplement.

Let us begin with what has occurred this year. We have lived in great peace, thank God, among ourselves, with our working people, and with all the french. I have been greatly pleased with all our Fathers. Father Brebeuf[VII.] is a man chosen of God for these lands; I left him in my place for six months, with the exception of nine days, while I passed the winter with the savages. Everything went on peacefully during that time. [124] Father Daniel[VIII.] and Father Davost[IX.] are quiet men. They have studied the Huron language thoroughly, and I have taken care that they should not be diverted from this work, which I believe to be of very great importance. Father Masse,[X.] whom I sometimes playfully call Father Useful, is well known to Your Reverence. He has had the care of the domestic affairs and of our cattle, in which he has succeeded very well. Father de Nouë,[XIV.] who has a good heart, has had the care of our laborers, directing them in their work, which is very difficult in these beginnings. Our Brother Gilbert[XV.] has felt better this winter than the last, as it has not been so severe. I gave him liberty to return this year, but he preferred to remain. We shall see how he will succeed with our Brother Liégeois[XVI.] who, in my [125] opinion, will do very well. I am the most imperfect of all and the most impatient. I have passed the winter with the Savages, as I have just said. Famine almost killed us; but God is so present in these difficulties, that this time of famine seemed to me a time of abundance; were it not that I am afraid of wearying you, I would recount to Your Reverence the sentiments with which God inspired me at that time. I confess that I sometimes experienced hunger, and that often these words came to my lips: Panem nostrum quotidianum da nobis hodie; but I think I never pronounced them without adding this condition: si ita placitum est ante te. I also occasionally repeated these words of saint Xavier with a very good heart: Domine, ne me his eripias malis, nisi ad majora pro tuo nomine reserves. I was consoled even in my sleep; but let us leave this, for God was acting then. This is what I am: as soon as we were assisted by creatures, I became sick in body and in soul, God causing me to see what he is and what I am. I was impatient, disgusted, seeking a retreat in our little house. I tried to put an end to this condition of misery; but, as my passions are altogether depraved, I stumbled at every step, bringing back nothing from this journey except my faults. I have set down in my Relation the reasons why I returned, knowing little about their language; enough upon this subject. As [126] to what concerns our men: every morning they hear holy Mass before their work, and in the evening all come to chapel, where the prayers which I send to Your Reverence are recited. We sing vespers on feast days and sundays, and almost every sunday an exhortation is made to them. Besides, there is preaching at Kébec, where they also sing vespers, and occasionally a high Mass. This is the outline of our occupations during this last year; the Relation speaks thereof more fully.

Pour l'année que nous allons commencer au départ des vaisseaux, voicy comme nous serons distribués et ce que nous ferons.

For the year which we are about to begin at the departure of the ships, this is the way in which we shall be distributed and what we shall do:

Le P. Brebeuf, le P. Daniel et le P. Davost, avec trois braves jeunes hommes et deux petits garçons, seront aux Hurons. Enfin nostre Seigneur leur a ouvert la porte. M. Duplessis[XVII.] y a grandement contribué, disons M. de Lauson, qui luy avait sans doute recommandé ce point, dont il s'est très-bien acquitté, comme V. R. verra par la lettre que le P. Brebeuf m'a envoyée du chemin des Hurons. Je croy qu'ils sont maintenant bien près du lieu où ils prétendent aller. Ce coup est un coup du ciel; nous espérons une grande moisson de ces pays. Le P. [127] Brebeuf 42 et le P. Daniel se jetèrent dans les dangers de bien souffrir; car ils s'en allèrent sans bagages ny sans la monnoie nécessaire pour vivre. Dieu y a pourvu, car M. Duplessis a tenu la main que tout passast. Voilà pour les Hurons.

Father Brebeuf, Father Daniel, and Father Davost, with three brave young men and two little boys, will be among the Hurons. At last our Lord has opened to them the door. M. Duplessis[XVIII.] has aided greatly in this; let us say M. de Lauson, who has without doubt recommended this affair to him, of which he has acquitted himself very well, as Your Reverence will see by the letter which Father Brebeuf has sent me on his way to the Hurons. I believe that they must now be quite near the place where they intend to go. This stroke is a stroke from heaven; we shall hope for a great harvest from this country. Father [127] Brebeuf and Father Daniel exposed themselves to great suffering; for they went away without baggage, or without the money necessary to live. God has provided therefor, as M. Duplessis has taken care that all should go well. So much for the Hurons.

Nous demeurerons aux Trois-Rivières, le P. Buteux[XIX.] et moy. Ce lieu est sur le grand fleuve, 30 lieues plus haut que Kébec, sur le chemin des Hurons; on le nomme les Trois-Rivières pour ce qu'une certaine rivière qui vient des terres se dégorge dans le grand fleuve par trois embouchures. Nos François commencent là cette année une habitation; il y fault deux de nos Pères. J'ay esté fort longtemps en balance qui y pourroit aller. Le P. Brebeuf et le P. de Nouë estoient d'advis que je demeurasse à Kébec; mais j'ay recognu que le P. Lalemant[XX.] appréhendoit cette nouvelle demeure, y croyant qu'il n'en reviendroit pas si on l'y envoyoit, s'offrant néanmoins de bon cœur à faire ce qu'on voudroit. Il est vray qu'il y meurt ordinairement quelques personnes en ces commencemens; mais la mort n'est pas toujours un grand mal.

We shall live at Three Rivers, Father Buteux[XXI.] and I. This place is upon the great river, 30 leagues farther up than Kébec, upon the way to the Hurons; it is called Three Rivers, because a certain river which flows through the land empties into the great river by three mouths. Our French people are this year beginning a settlement there, and two of our Fathers must be there.4 I have been doubtful for a long time as to who should go. Father Brebeuf and Father de Nouë thought that I should remain at Kébec; but I perceived that Father Lalemant[XXII.] was apprehensive of this new abode, believing that he would never return if he were sent there, offering himself freely, however, to do what should be desired. It is true that some persons generally die in these beginnings, but death is not always a great evil.

Après avoir recommandé l'affaire à nostre Seigneur, [128] je me suis résolu d'y aller moy-mesme pour les raison suivantes:

After having commended this affair to our Lord, [128] I resolved to go there myself, for the following reasons:

1º J'ay creu que je ne faisois rien contre le dessein de V. R. quittant la maison pour sept ou huit mois; car je peux retourner au printemps, je ne sçay néanmoins si je reviendray devant la venuë des vaisseaux; 44 de plus, je laisse entre les mains d'une personne qui fera mieux que moy cent fois, quis ego sum? un atome à comparaison de luy. Je doutois de son estomac pour les prédications de Kébec; mais l'auditoire est petit, et il ne trouve aucun inconvénient en cela;

1st. I believed that I was doing nothing contrary to the designs of Your Reverence in leaving the house for seven or eight months, for I can return in the spring; however, I do not know whether I shall come back before the coming of the ships. Moreover, I leave it in the hands of a person who will do a hundred times better than I, for quis ego sum? an atom in comparison with him. I had some doubts in regard to the strength of his voice for preaching at Kébec; but the audience room is small, and he does not find any inconvenience therein.

2º J'ay creu que notre Seigneur aurait pour agréable que je donnasse ce contentement au Père, de ne point quitter Kébec, où nous sommes desjà un petit accommodés, et que s'il y a du danger, que je le dois prendre pour moy;

2nd. I thought that it would be more agreeable to our Lord that I should give the Father this satisfaction, that he need not leave Kébec, where we are rather comfortably situated; and that, if there be any danger, I ought to take it upon myself.

3º Le fils de Dieu mourant en croix nous a déterminés à la croix, il ne la faut donc pas fuir quand elle se presente; c'est ma plus forte raison, on souffre il est vray dans une nouvelle habitation, notamment précipitée comme celle-là. Je ne sçay comme sera faite la maison; estre pesle-mesle avec des artisans, boire, manger, dormir avec eux; ils ne sçauroient faire là aucune provision de quoy que ce soit; tout cela ne m'estonne point; les cabannes des sauvages que j'ay habitées cet hiver [129] sont bien pires. Le P. Buteux me resjouit: car il prend cela de bon cœur; je le voy fort resolu à la croix. V. R. a raison de dire que c'est l'esprit qu'il faut avoir. Nous estudierons là la langue, quoy qu'avec moins de commodité qu'à Kébec, à cause du logement, où il y aura un plus grand tintamarre que dans les cabanes des sauvages; car nos français avec lesquels nous serons tous ensemble, ne sont pas si paisibles et si patiens que ces barbares. De plus je voulois prendre cet hiver un sauvage avec moy à Kébec pour m'instruire, puis que je commence à les pouvoir interroger: cela ne se pourra pas faire aux Trois-Rivières, mais il n'importe, je feray ce que je pourray.

3rd. The son of God, dying upon the cross, has obligated us to bear the cross, so we should not flee from it when it presents itself; this is my strongest reason, for in truth there is suffering in a new settlement, especially in one established so hurriedly as that one. I do not know how the house will be arranged; we shall be mixed up with workingmen, drinking, eating, and sleeping with them; they cannot make other provision for us of any kind whatever. All this does not appall me, for the cabins of the savages, in which I lived this winter, [129] are much worse. Father Buteux pleases me greatly, for he takes this cheerfully; I see him strongly determined to bear the cross. Your Reverence is right in saying that this is the kind of spirit that we should have. We shall study the language there, although less advantageously than at Kébec, on account of the lodging, in which there will be a greater hubbub than in the cabins of the savages; for our french people, with whom we shall be in company, are not so calm and patient as these barbarians. Furthermore, I had intended this winter to keep a savage with me at Kébec to instruct me, since I am beginning to be able to question them; this cannot be done at Three Rivers; but it is of no importance, I shall do what I can.

46 Resteront à Kébec le P. Lallemant, le P. Masse, le P. de Nouë et nos deux Frères avec tous nos hommes. La douceur et la vertu du P. Lallemant tiendra tout en paix, et fera réussir le travail de nos gens. Envoyer le P. de Nouë et le P. Brebeuf aux Trois-Rivières, je ne voyois point d'apparence, 1º pour ce que le P. de Nouë gouverne ici nos hommes; 2º le Pere Buteux eust perdu une année, il n'auroit rien fait du tout en la langue; 3º Satis calidus est, licet alioquin optimus, P. de Nouë; il falloit donc que le P. Lallemant ou moy y allassions: j'ay pris le sort pour moy, croyant laisser la maison en plus grande paix que si je fusse demeuré, [130] je croy que V. R. approuvera mon procedé; du moins j'ay pensé suivre en cecy le mouvement de Dieu: qu'il soit loué pour un jamais! Voilà ce que nous ferons cette année. C'est une grande occupation que de bien souffrir, Dieu nous en fasse la grace! Parlons maintenant de nos serviteurs domestiques.

There will remain at Kébec, Father Lallemant, Father Masse, Father de Nouë, and our two Brothers, with all our men.6 The gentleness and virtue of Father Lallemant will hold all in peace, and will cause the work of our people to prosper. I did not think it feasible to send Father de Nouë and Father Brebeuf to Three Rivers,—1st, because Father de Nouë looks after our men here; 2nd, Father Buteux would have lost a year, he would have done nothing at all in the language; 3rd, Satis calidus est, licet alioquin optimus, P. de Nouë; so Father Lallemant or I myself had to go. I have chosen this lot for myself, believing that I should leave the house in greater peace than if I remained, [130] and I believe that Your Reverence will approve my action; at least I thought I was following in this an impulse from God; may he be forever praised! So that is what we shall do this year. It is a great occupation, to suffer nobly; may God give us grace for it! Let us speak now of our household servants.

J'ay dit que nous avions esté en paix de tous costés. Les murmures qui arrivent par fois et les escapades ne doivent pas estre mis dans les grands désordres, quand on se releve aussy tost qu'on est tombé, et quand la chute n'est pas grande. Quelques-uns de nos hommes ont quelque fois témoigné quelque impatience; mais nous avons subject de benir Dieu, car rien ne s'est passé de notable. Voici les causes de leurs mécontentemens.

I have said that we lived peacefully on all sides. The murmurs and escapades which occasionally happen should not be placed in the list of great disorders, when one rises as soon as he has fallen, and when the fall is not great. A number of our men have occasionally shown some impatience; but we have reason to bless God, for nothing of importance has happened. Here are the causes for their discontent.

1º C'est le naturel des artisans de se plaindre et de gronder.

1st. It is the nature of working people to complain and to grumble.

2º La diversité des gages les fait murmurer: un charpentier, un briquettier et autres, gagneront beaucoup plus que les manœuvres, et cependant ils ne travaillent 48pas tant, je veux dire qu'ils n'ont pas tant de peine que les autres, à raison qu'ils font leur mestier, et les autres font des choses fort difficiles: inde querimoniæ. Ils ne considèrent pas qu'un maistre masson a moins de peine qu'un manœuvre, quoy qu'il gagne davantage.

2nd. The difference in wages makes them complain: A carpenter, a brickmaker, and others will earn more than the laborers, and yet they do not work so much; I mean that it is not so hard for them as for the others, because they are following their professions, and the others are doing more laborious things: inde querimoniæ. They do not consider that a master-mason may exert himself less than a laborer, although he earns more.

[131] 3º La plus part ne font point leurs mestiers, sinon pour un peu de temps; un cousturier, un cordonnier, un jardinier et les autres se trouvent estonnés, quand il faut traisner du bois sur la neige; en outre ils se plaignent qu'ils oublieront leur art.

[131] 3rd. The greater part do not follow their trades, except for a short time; a tailor, a shoemaker, a gardener, and others, are amazed when required to drag some wood over the snow; besides, they complain that they will forget their trades.

4º Il faut confesser que les travaux sont grands en ces commencemens: les hommes sont les chevaux et les bœufs; ils apportent ou traisnent les bois, les arbres, la pierre; ils labourent la terre; ils la hercent. Les mouches de l'esté, les neiges de l'hyver et mille autres incomodités sont importunes: des jeunes gens qui travailloient à l'ombre dans la France, trouvent icy un grand changement. Je m'estonne que la peine qu'ils ont, en des choses qu'ils n'ont jamais faites, ne les fait crier plus hault qu'ils ne crient.

4th. It must be confessed that the work is great in these beginnings; the men are the horses and oxen; they carry or drag wood, trees, or stones; they till the soil, they harrow it. The insects in summer, the snows in winter, and a thousand other inconveniences, are very troublesome. The youth who in France worked in the shade find here a great difference. I am astonished that the hardships they have to undergo, in doing things they have never done before, do not cause them to make a greater outcry than they do.

5º Ils sont tous logés dans une mesme chambre, et, comme ils n'ont pas tous leurs passions bien domptées et qu'ils sont d'humeurs bien différentes, ils ont des subjects de discord sans subject.

5th. They all lodge in one room; and, as they have not all learned to control their passions, and are of dispositions altogether different, they have occasions for causeless quarrels.

6º Comme il faut que nous passions par leurs mains, ne les pouvant renvoyer quand ils manquent, et comme ils voyent qu'un baston n'est pas bien servi en notre main pour les chastier, ils font plus aisément des renchères, qu'ils ne feroient avec des séculiers qui les presseroient fort et ferme.

6th. As we are more or less dependent upon them, not being able to send them back when they fail to do right, and as they see that a stick for the purpose of chastising them is of little use in our hands, they are much more arrogant than they would be with laymen, who would urge them with severity and firmness.

Que V. R. pèse toutes ces raisons, s'il luy plaict, [132] et elle nous aidera à benir Dieu; car avec tout 50 cela nous n'avons pas laissé de passer l'année paisiblement, tançant quelques uns, en punissant quelques autres, quoyque très rarement, dissimulant fort souvent, Deus sit in æternum benedictus! et, comme ce n'est pas assés que la paix soit chez nous, mais il la faut très-profonde, s'il y a moyen, j'estime qu'il serait bon de faire ce que je vay dire.

Your Reverence will weigh all these reasons, if you please, [132] and will aid us in praising God; for notwithstanding all this, we have not failed to pass the year peaceably, reprimanding some, punishing others, though rarely—very often pretending not to see; Deus sit in æternum benedictus! and, as it is not enough that peace should dwell among us, but that it should be firmly established, if it be possible, I deem it best to do what I am about to say.

Il ne faudroit icy que des hommes de bon travail: voila pour quoy il seroit bon que nous eussions trois braves Frères pour les menus offices de la maison, pour la cuisine, la boulangerie, la cordonnerie, la cousturierie, le jardin, la sacristie, les lessives, la serrurerie, le soin du bestial, du laitage, du beurre, etc. On diviseroit tous ces offices entre ces trois bons Frères, et ainsy on seroit délivré de donner des gages à des ouvriers qu'on occupe en ces offices, et qui se plaignent quand on les occupe en d'autres choses. Tous nos hommes seroient dans les grosses besognes, et par consequent je supplie V. R. de nous envoyer deux bons Frères. Nostre Frère Liegeois, qui commence fort bien, sera le troisième. Pour notre Frère Gilbert peut-estre le renvoira-t-on: sinon il travaillera à la menuiserie tout doucement, car il est desjà bien cassé et gêné d'une rupture. Voicy les Frères sur lesquels j'arresterois ma pensée, si V. R. le trouvoit bon: nostre [133] Frère Claude Frémont et notre Frère le serrurier, qu'elle nous promet par ses lettres d'envoyer l'an prochain. Je ne cognois ni luy ni l'autre; on me dit qu'ils sont tous deux paisibles et de bon travail. Si cela est, V. R. nous les donnera, s'il luy plaist. On en pourroit bien envoyer un aux Hurons ou aux Trois-Rivières, selon le cours des affaires.

Only good workmen are needed here; hence it would be well for us to have three capable Brothers, to perform the minor duties of the house,—cooking, baking, making shoes, making clothes, looking after the garden, the sacristy, washing, tinkering, caring for the cattle, the milk, butter, etc. All these duties would be divided among these three good Brothers, and thus we would be relieved of giving wages to workmen who are occupied with these duties, and who complain when they are given other things to do. All our men should be engrossed with the heavy tasks, and consequently I beg Your Reverence to send us two good Brothers. Our Brother Liegeois, who is beginning very well, will be the third. As to our Brother Gilbert, perhaps he will be sent back; if not, he will work slowly at carpentry, for he is already broken down and hindered by a rupture. The following are the Brothers upon whom my choice would fall, if it please Your Reverence; our [133] Brother Claude Frémont and our Brother the locksmith, whom you promised in your letters to send us next year. I do not know either of them, but I am told that they are both peaceable and good workmen. If this be true, Your Reverence will send them to us, if you please. One of them could be easily sent to the Hurons or to Three Rivers, according to the course of events.

52 Avec ces bons Frères, il nous faut avoir icy pour le moins dix hommes de bon travail pour les bastiments et pour la terre et pour faucher, pour tout en un mot. Qui en pourroit encore davantage, seroit le meilleur: ceux cy travaillant tous dans les grosses besoignes, ne se plaindront pas de ceux qui font les menus offices. Nous avons desjà quatre de ces hommes: reste pour six à envoyer, et nous renvoirons l'an qui vient tous ceux que nous avons, excepté ces quatre. Voilà quel doit estre l'estat de la maison pour l'an qui vient quant au travail, si V. R. le trouve bon: dix bons ouvriers et trois ou quatre de nos Frères, sçavoir est, Nostre Frère Liegeois, N. Frère Claude Frémont, N. Frère le serrurier, dont je ne scay pas le nom, et nostre Frère Gilbert, s'il demeure. Pour les six ouvriers que nous demandons, voicy leurs mestiers: deux charpentiers forts, dont l'un pour le moins entende à dresser un bastiment, en un mot qu'il sçache bien son mestier; un menuisier, et trois hommes [134] de travail qui puissent estre appliqués à déserter la terre, à tirer la scie de long (il n'est pas necessaire qu'ils sçachent ce mestier, mais qu'ils ayent la volonté et les forces pour le faire), à faucher, à aider les charpentiers, masson, briquetier, auprès du bestial, à tout ce qu'on voudra; il faut des hommes forts pour cela et de bonne volonté. Si on ne peut avoir deux charpentiers, qu'il en passe un bon pour le moins, et en la place de l'autre, un homme de travail, comme je le viens de descrire. Je parleray encore de cecy ailleurs, afin que si un vaisseau manquoit, l'autre porte de nos nouvelles. Il est bien aisé de dépeindre bon ouvrier, mais bien difficile de le trouver. Je feray voir ailleurs 54 à V. R. la necessité que nous avons de ces dix hommes.

With these good Brothers, we should have here at least ten men capable of building, cultivating, and reaping,—in a word, of doing everything. Whoever could do still more, would be the best; these who are altogether occupied with the heavy work, will not complain of those who perform the minor duties. We have already four of these men, so there remain six to be sent; and we shall send back next year all those we have, except these four. The following ought to be the arrangement of the household for the coming year in regard to work, if it so please Your Reverence: ten good workmen and three or four of our Brothers; namely, Our Brother Liegeois, Our Brother Claude Frémont, Our Brother the locksmith, whose name I do not know, and our Brother Gilbert, if he remain. In regard to the six workmen for whom we ask, the following will be their trades: two strong carpenters, at least one of them understanding how to erect a building,—in a word, let him understand his trade; a joiner, and three workmen [134] who can be employed in clearing the land, in using the pit saw (they need not know this trade, but must have only willingness and strength to do it), in reaping, in helping the carpenters, the mason, the brickmaker, in watching the cattle, in doing everything that is required of them; for this, strong men are needed, and those who are willing. If we cannot have two carpenters, let one good one, at least, come over; and, instead of the other, such a workman as I have just described. I shall speak again of this matter elsewhere, to the end that, if one of our ships fail to arrive, the other will bear our letters. It is very easy to describe a good workman, but quite difficult to find one. I shall explain to Your Reverence elsewhere our need of having these ten men.

Pour les quatre qui désirent ou désiroient entrer en notre Compagnie, je lui diray qu'Ambroise, qui a si bien contenté à Orléans et ailleurs, et mesme qui a rendu icy de bons services, s'en vouloit aller cette année. Il est d'un bon naturel et bon ouvrier. S'il contente, nous prierons V. R. de le recevoir l'an qui vient, si non il n'obtiendra aucune lettre de recommandation. Pour Louys, il fait merveille dans son mestier; quand on l'applique à autre chose, il est mescontent: les grosses besognes qui sont icy le decouragent aussy bien que Robert Hache. Ils sont tous deux bons enfants, mais ils n'ont pas assés de [135] courage et peut estre de force pour les travaux de Canada. Ils demandoient quasi de s'en retourner cette année; mais la crainte de n'estre pas reçeus les a arrestés. Nous verrons comme ils feront doresnavant; ils ont bonne volonté.

As to the four who desire or were desiring to enter our Society, I will tell you that Ambroise, who gave such satisfaction at Orleans and elsewhere, and who even here rendered some good services, wished to go away this year. He has a good disposition and is an excellent workman. If he gives satisfaction, we will beg Your Reverence to receive him next year; if not, he will not secure any letter of recommendation. As for Louys, he does wonders in his trade; but when he is given something else to do, he is discontented. The rough and heavy work to be done here discourages him, as well as Robert Hache. They are both good boys, but they have not enough [135] courage, and perhaps not enough strength, for the work in Canada. They almost asked to return this year, but the fear of not being received stopped them. We will see how they do from now on; they show great willingness.

Quant à Jacques Junier, il est constant dans le bien. J'aimerois mieux en verité dix hommes comme lui, que dix autres. Il y a longtemps qu'il demeure sur le païs; je luy ay dit de la part de V. R. qu'il seroit reçu repassant en France. Deux choses empescheront qu'il n'y retourne cette année: la première, il a grande difficulté de se mettre sur mer, s'y trouvant fort mal; la seconde, à peine la maison se peut-elle passer de luy, tant il nous est nécessaire en toutes façons. C'est un jeune homme que ne dit mot, mais qui fait beaucoup. Comme je représentois au P. Lallemant que V. R. nous le renvoiroit au plus tost, il m'a dit: «La difficulté qu'a nostre R. P. Provincial de luy laisser faire icy son noviciat provient d'une 56 croyance qu'il a que cela ne soit pas bien trouvé à Rome ou bien de quelques uns de nos Pères; car sans cela, il aime tant la mission, qu'il le laisseroit icy, estant notamment informé de la douceur de ce bon garçon, auquel il ne manque que l'habit pour estre religieux, et s'il fait dans la religion comme il fait au monde, on sera content de luy. J'escriray [136] donc, m'a-t-il dit, à Rome, afin qu'on nous accorde cette faveur, qui nous est importante pour le bien de la maison; informés-en N. R. P. Provincial.» C'est ce que je fay par la présente. S'il faut enfin qu'il passe, il passera. Dieu est le maistre de tout. Je supplie V. R. me pardonner s'il luy semble que je parle avec moins de respect dans mes lettres; je ne veux rien absoluement, mon R. P., que ce que vous jugés devant Dieu. Je parle selon que je croy la nécessité, ce me semble.

As to Jacques Junier, he perseveres in doing right. In truth I would prefer ten men like him to ten others. He has now been a long time in the country; and I have told him, on the part of Your Reverence, that he would be received when he went back to France. Two things prevent his returning this year: the first is that it is exceedingly disagreeable for him to make a sea voyage, as he becomes very sick; the second, that the house can scarcely get along without him, he is so necessary to us in every way. He is a young man who says nothing, but does much. As I was representing to Father Lallemant that Your Reverence would send him back to us as soon as possible, he said to me: "The difficulty which our Reverend Father Provincial will have, in allowing him to make his novitiate here, arises from his belief that it would not be approved at Rome, nor indeed among some of our Fathers; were it not for this, he loves our mission so much that he would leave him here, especially if he were informed of the amiability of this good boy, who needs only the gown to be a religious; and, if he conducts himself in religion as he does in the world, they will be satisfied with him. I shall write [136] now to Rome," said he, "to the end that they may grant us this favor, which is important for the good of our house; inform Our Reverend Father Provincial of this." I am doing so through this letter. If he must return, he will return. God is the master of all. I beg Your Reverence to pardon me if I seem to speak with a lack of respect in my letters; I wish absolutely nothing, my Reverend Father, except what you deem best before God. I speak as I believe it needful, as it seems to me.

Parlons des Pères dont cette mission auroit besoin.

Let us speak of the Fathers whom this mission needs.

Il en faudroit deux aux Hurons; s'ils font la paix avec les Iroquois, comme elle se traite à ce qu'on dit, il en faudroit bien davantage; car il faudroit entrer dans tous les peuples stables. Si ces nations viennent à recevoir la foy, elle crieront à la faim, et on ne leur pourra donner à manger, faute des personnes qui sçachent les langues. De plus les Frères qui seroient parmi les Hiroquois, travailleroient à entretenir la paix entre eux et les Hurons; néanmoins sur l'incertitude de cette paix, nous ne demandons que deux Pères pour les Hurons. Il faut un supérieur aux Trois-Rivières, et deux Pères pour demeurer à Kebec, proche de nos françois: voilà cinq prestres et deux Frères; voyons la nécessité qu'il y a d'avoir tant de monde.

Two are needed among the Hurons: if they make peace with the Iroquois, for I am told that it is being negotiated, a number more will be needed, as we must enter all the stationary tribes. If these people receive the faith, they will cry with hunger, and there will be no one to feed them, for lack of persons who know the languages. Moreover, the Brothers who should be among the Hiroquois would exert themselves to preserve the peace between them and the Hurons; nevertheless, on account of the uncertainty of this peace, we ask for only two Fathers to go to the Hurons. There must be a superior at Three Rivers, and two Fathers must remain at Kébec, near our french people; so this makes five priests and two Brothers. Let us see what need there is of having so many men.

58 Pour les deux Pères qu'on envoira aux Hurons, [137] ils pourroient estre envoiés de là à la nation Neutre, ou parmy les Hiroquois, ou en quelque autre nation, ou bien estre retenus dans les Hurons mesmes, qui sont au nombre de trente mille âmes, en fort peu de païs. Pour Kébec, je demande deux Pères; si le P. Lallemant est supérieur, il demeurera avec les PP. Masse et de Nouë, et avec nos gens pour faire réussir la maison; les deux Pères seront au fort, où on parle de leur bastir une maisonnette ou une chambre; ils prescheront, entendront les confessions, administreront les sacrements, diront la sainte messe à nos françois: bref ils feront l'office de pasteur, et apprendront la langue des sauvages, les allans voir quand ils cabaneront proche d'eux. Ils auront un garçon, qui leur apportera toutes les semaines leurs vivres de nostre maison esloignée du fort d'une bonne demie lieue.

As for the two Fathers who will be sent to the Hurons, [137] they could be sent from there to the Neutral tribe, or among the Hiroquois, or to some other tribe; or even be kept among the Hurons, who number thirty thousand souls in a very small extent of country. For Kébec, I ask two Fathers; if Father Lallemant is superior, he will remain with Fathers Masse and de Nouë, and with our people, to ensure the success of the house; the two Fathers will be at the fort, where they talk of building them a little house or a room; they will preach, will hear confessions, will administer the sacraments, and will say holy mass for our french people; in short, they will perform the office of pastors, and will learn the language of the savages, going to visit them when they encamp around the place. They will have a boy, who will every week bring them their food from our house, distant from the fort a good half league.

Je demande un supérieur aux Trois-Rivières, pour ce que ce n'est pas trop de tenir là trois Pères, afin qu'il y en ait toujours deux libres pour les sauvages. Que si V. R. n'en veut envoyer que deux, le P. Buteux à qui j'aprendray cette année ce que je pourray de la langue, demeurera avec lui à Kébec ou aux Trois-Rivières, et moy avec l'autre; mais à mon advis ce n'est pas trop de trois pour les Trois-Rivières: l'un sera pour nos françois, les deux autres pour les sauvages, voir mesme il se pourra [138] faire qu'on en envoira l'un d'eux aux Hurons avec les deux qu'il y faut faire passer. Je me doute bien que le Pere Brebeuf en pourra demander plus de deux; si bien que si V. R. nous peut donner cinq Peres et deux Frères, ce ne sera pas trop. Je me souviens de ce 60 que je lui ay autrefois entendu à dire, «ad pauca attendens facile enunciat; j'ay bien le monde qu'il fault, mais je ne dy pas où on trouvera de quoy le nourrir.» A cela je n'ay point de répartie. Je me restreins le plus qu'il m'est possible; car pour le bien de cette mission, il faudroit bien plus de monde que nous n'en demandons.

I ask a superior for Three Rivers, for it is not too much to keep three Fathers there, so that there may be always two free for the savages. But if Your Reverence wishes to send only two, Father Buteux, to whom I shall this year teach what I know of the language, will remain with the one at Kébec, or at Three Rivers, and I with the other; but it seems to me three are not too many for Three Rivers; one will be for our french people, the two others for the savages; indeed, it may [138] happen that one of them will be sent to the Hurons, with the two who must go up there. I am inclined to think that Father Brebeuf may ask more than two; so that, if Your Reverence can send us five Fathers and two Brothers, it will not be too many. I often call to mind what I once heard him say, "ad pauca attendens facile enunciat; I have indeed as many people as I need, but I do not say where the food will be found to nourish them." To that I have no answer. I am restricting myself as much as I can; because, for the good of this mission, it would be well to have more people than we are asking.

J'ay icy deux humbles supplications à faire à V. R. Je les fay au nom de Jésus Christ de toute l'estendue de mon cœur: mon R. P., je conjure V. R. de me décharger. Je dy quelquefois aux petites croix qui me viennent: «Et encor celle là, et tant que vous voudrés, ô mon Dieu.» Mais à celles que le P. Lallemant m'a apporté dans les lettres de V. R. qui me continuoient en charge je l'ay dy plus de trois fois, mais avec une rétraction de cœur qui ne pouvoit boire ce calice. En vérité, mon R. Père, je n'ay pas les talens, ny les qualités, ny la douceur requise pour estre supérieur; de plus, je le dy et il est vray, c'est un grand détourbier pour l'estude de la langue; je dy un très grand détourbier, diray-je mesme que cecy, cette année, nuit au salut peut-être [139] de quelques sauvages. J'apprend que les Sauvages qui sont aux Trois-Rivières sont tous malades et meurent en grand nombre. Le P. Brebeuf mesme qui a passé par là, m'escrit qu'il seroit à propos que j'y allasse: je suis dans les écritures, je n'ay rien ou peu de choses prestes, les vaisseaux seront bien tost prests, à faire voile; je seray surpris de mes lettres et informations, que j'envoie à V. R. touchant nos besoins; je me dépêche tant que je peux. Si je n'estois point Superieur, je serois délivré de tout cela; il y a longtemps que je serois là hault. Je me dispose 62 pour y aller tout à fait jusques au printemps ou jusques à la venue des vaisseaux. Je n'ay pas l'esprit capable de tant de choses: le soin de nos gens, tant de sortes de petits travaux qu'il y a, bref tout s'addresse au Supérieur, et cela le divertit infiniment, notamment à Kebec, où nous sommes bon nombre de personnes. Adjoutés les sermons, confessions, visites: je veux croire que tout cela empescheroit peu le P. Lallemant de l'estude de la langue; pour moy, je le dy devant Dieu, cela m'en détourne grandement. Depuis le mois d'avril, auquel je retournay d'avec les sauvages, je n'ay pas regardé un seul mot de leur langue. Le P. Lallemant, qui n'est pas si assidu à l'estude, a voulu, au commencement de sa venue, prendre un petit garde au travail de nos hommes. Enfin il s'en [140] est défait, me confessant ingénuement, ce qu'il n'avoit pas voulu croire, qu'il estoit impossible d'estudier avec ce soin. On donne un temps tout libre à ceux qui estudient dans nos classes; ils ont de braves maistres; ils ont de bons livres; ils sont logés commodément: et moy qui suis sans livres, sans maistres, mal logé, pourray-je bien estudier avec un soin qui m'occupe quasi tout entier bien souvent? V. R. considerera cecy devant Dieu, s'il luy plaist; je ne veux que sa plus grande gloire. Il est vray que je me bas contre mon ombre; le temps parle pour moy: il y a plus de trois ans (ou il y aura à la venue des vaisseaux) que je suis en charge; le Père Lallemant estant ce qu'il est, et demeurant à Kebec, contentera infiniement. Je remercie desjà par avance V. R. de ce qu'elle m'accordera cette requeste. Voicy la seconde.

Just here I have two humble requests to make of Your Reverence. I make them in the name of Jesus Christ from the very depths of my heart. My Reverend Father, I beg Your Reverence to discharge me. I sometimes say to the little crosses which come to me, "And this also and as many as you wish, O my God." But to those which Father Lallemant has brought me in Your Reverence's letters, which continue me in my charge, I have said this more than three times, but with a shrinking of the heart which could not drink this cup. In truth, my Reverend Father, I have not the talents, nor the qualities, nor the mildness, necessary to be superior: besides, I say it, and it is true, it is a great disturbance in the study of the language; I say a very great disturbance,—I will even say that this, during the present year, is preventing the salvation, perhaps, [139] of some savages. I learn that the Savages who are at Three Rivers are all sick, and are dying in great numbers. Also Father Brebeuf, who passed through there, writes me that it would be fitting that I should go there; I am busy with the letters, I have nothing or very little ready; the ships will soon be ready to sail away; I shall not have my letters and reports prepared to send Your Reverence in regard to our needs, but I am hurrying as much as possible. If I were not Superior, I would be free from all this and would have been up there a long time ago. I am preparing to go there and remain until spring, or until the coming of the ships. I have not a mind capable of so many things: the care of our people, little difficulties of so many kinds, in short, all are brought to the Superior; and that distracts him greatly, especially at Kebec, where we are quite numerous. Add to this the sermons, confessions, and visits. I am willing to think that all these things would not greatly interfere with Father Lallemant's study of the language; as for me, I say it before God, it distracts me greatly therefrom. Since the month of April, when I returned from my stay with the savages, I have not looked at a word of their language. Father Lallemant, who is not so studious, wished, when he first came, to pay a little attention to the work of our men. Finally he got [140] rid of this duty, confessing to me frankly, what he had been unwilling to believe, that it was impossible to study with this care. Time altogether free is given to those who study in our classes, they have good teachers, they have good books, they are comfortably lodged; and I, who am without books, without masters, badly lodged, shall I be able to study, engrossed with cares which very often occupy me almost entirely? Your Reverence will consider this before God, if you please; I wish only his greater glory. It is true that I start at my own shadow; but time speaks for me,—it is more than three years (or will be at the coming of the ships) since I have been in charge; Father Lallemant, being what he is, and dwelling at Kebec, will give great satisfaction. I thank Your Reverence in advance for granting me this request. Here is the second.

Le P. Benier m'escrit qu'il ne se sçauroit consoler 64 de ce qu'il ne vient point en Canada, sinon dans la veue de ses péchés qui l'en empêchent; il me prie d'escrire à Rome pour luy. Je dy tout mon cœur à V. R. il espère que de là on luy ouvrira la porte, les Provinciaux luy fermans en France. J'en ay escry, comme il m'en supplie; mais ce n'est pas de là que j'attend ma plus grande consolation, mon R. P. Permettés moy, que je le demande pour Dieu, au nom de Dieu et en Dieu, pour le salut de plusieurs [141] âmes; je renonce entièrement à tout ce qu'il y auroit de déréglé dans mon affection; non, mon R. P., ce n'est point l'affection de la créature qui parle. Si. V. R., à qui Dieu se communique plus abondamment qu'à un pauvre pécheur, juge dans un dénuement de tout en la présence de Jesus Christ, qu'il soit plus nécessaire en France et auprès d'une femme,[XXIII.] qu'au milieu de ces peuples barbares, je ne le demande plus: majorem Dei gloriam specto. S'il rend tant soit peu plus de services à Notre Seigneur où il est, qu'il ne feroit en la Nouvelle France, qu'il y demeure, au nom de Dieu; c'est là où je le souhaitte. Mais si V. R. juge que Dieu le veuille icy, je le demande de tout mon cœur. La crainte que j'ay qu'il n'arrive quelque changement, me fait conjurer V. R. de nous donner selon le cœur qu'elle a pour nous. Si je sçavois que celui qui luy pourra succeder dût hériter de son amour, je ne serois pas si importun; car il est vray que je suis honteux de tant presser.

Father Benier writes me that he would be inconsolable at not coming to Canada, if he were not confronted with his sins, which prevent him from it; he begs me to write to Rome for him. I tell Your Reverence frankly that he hopes they will open to him, from there, the door which the Provincials have closed to him in France. I have written them, as he requested me; but it is not from there that I expect my greatest consolation, my Reverend Father. Permit me to ask him for God, in the name of God, and in God, for the salvation of many [141] souls; I renounce entirely anything immoderate in my affection; no, my Reverend Father, it is not the affection of the creature which speaks. If Your Reverence, to whom God communicates himself more fully than to a poor sinner, should deem, in the presence of Jesus Christ, uninfluenced by any motive whatsoever, that he is more necessary in France and near a woman[XXIV.] than in the midst of these barbarous people, I ask for him no more; majorem Dei gloriam specto. If he renders more service to Our Lord where he is, however little it may be, than he would in New France, let him remain there, in the name of God; it is there where I wish him to be. But if Your Reverence thinks that God wishes him here, I ask for him with all my heart. My fear that some changes may occur makes me conjure Your Reverence to give to us according to your affection for us. If I knew that he who may succeed you would inherit your love, I would not be so importunate; for truly I am ashamed to be so urgent.

Encore ce coup, mon R. P., qui sera conforme à son affection: donnez-nous, s'il vous plaist, le P. Benier, et le P. Vimont, si le P. Benier ne passe pendant 66 qu'elle est en charge, je ne l'attend plus; [142] je le demanderay tant à Dieu, et j'ay une confiance en luy, qu'il nous le donnera.

Yet this one favor, my Reverend Father, which will be in harmony with your affection; give us, if you please, Father Benier and Father Vimont. If Father Benier does not come over while you are in charge, I shall never expect him; [142] I shall ask for him fervently from God, and I am confident that he will give him to us.

V. R. trouvera-t'elle bon que je parle encore une fois librement pour un moment de temps. Le P. Lallemant Supérieur à Kebec, le P. Vimont et le P. Buteux demeureront au fort, le P. Benier, le P. Pinette ou le P. Garnier, et le P. Le Jeune aux Trois-Rivières. Le P. Pinette ou le P. Garnier, et le P. Mercier, qui est au collége de Paris, pour les Hurons; je ne cognoy pas ce dernier, mais on m'en dy du bien. Pardonnez moi mon R. Père, pardonnez moi mes sottises, j'entend que toutes mes demandes soient des refus, si elles ne sont conformes aux volontés de Dieu, qui me seront déclarées par celle de V. R. que j'embrasseray de tout mon cœur jusques à la mort, si je puis et ultra. Je ne peux ny ne veux déterminer de moy en aucune façon, ny des autres; je propose avec amour et confiance et avec indifference; mais je demande les meilleurs ouvriers que je peux, pour ce qu'il faut icy, en vérité, des esprits qui viennent à la croix et non aux conversions, qui soient extrêmement souples et dociles: autrement il n'y a icy plus de paix et par conséquent point de fruit. Il faut la chasteté de nos constitutions tout-à-fait angélique; il ne faut qu'estendre la main pour cueillir la pomme du péché.

Will Your Reverence overlook it if I continue a moment longer to speak freely? Father Lallemant being Superior at Kebec, Father Vimont and Father Buteux will remain at the fort; Father Benier, Father Pinette, or Father Garnier, and Father Le Jeune, at Three Rivers. Father Pinette, or Father Garnier, and Father Mercier, who is at the college of Paris, for the Hurons; I am not acquainted with the last named, but they speak well of him to me. Pardon me, my Reverend Father, pardon me my foolishness; I expect that all my requests will be refused, if they are not conformable to the will of God, which will be declared to me through that of Your Reverence, and which I shall embrace with all my heart, even unto death, and beyond, if I can. I cannot, and do not wish, to decide for myself in any way, nor for others; I suggest with love and confidence, and with indifference; I ask for the best workers that I can have, because such are needed here,—in truth, men who come for the sake of the cross and not for conversions, who are extremely pliant and docile; otherwise there will be no longer any peace here, and consequently no fruit. The altogether angelic chastity demanded by our constitutions is necessary here; one needs only to extend the hand to gather the apple of sin.

[143] C'est à ce coup que mes longueurs seront ennuieuses; car ce n'est pas encor fait. Parlons de l'estat auquel est notre maison[XXV.] pour le présent. Nous avons une maison qui a quatre chambres basses: la première sert de chapelle, la seconde de réfectoire, et dans ce réfectoire sont nos chambres. Il y a deux petites chambres passables, car elles sont 68 de la grandeur d'un homme en quarré; il y en a deux autres qui ont chacune huict pieds; mais il y a deux lits en chaque chambre. Voila pour six personnes fort étroitement; les autres, quand nous étions tous ensemble, couchoient au grenier. La troisième grande chambre sert de cuisine; la quatrième c'est la chambre de nos gens: voilà tout nostre logement. Dessus nous est un grenier, si bas qu'on n'y sçauroit loger; nous y montons avec une échelle.

[143] It is at this point that my tediousness will become wearisome; for it is not yet finished. Let us speak of the condition of our house[XXVII.] at the present time. We have a house which contains four rooms below: the first serves as chapel, the second as refectory, and in this refectory are our rooms. There are two little square rooms of moderate size, for they are proportioned to a man's height; there are two others, each of which has a dimension of eight feet; but there are two beds in each room. These are rather narrow quarters for six persons; the others, when we are all together, sleep in the garret. The third large room serves as kitchen, and the fourth is the room for our working people; this is our entire lodging. Above is a garret, so low that no one can dwell there; to this we mount with a ladder.

Il y avoit un autre bastiment de mesme grandeur vis-à-vis de celuy-cy. Les Anglois en ont bruslé la moitié; l'autre moitié est couverte seulement de bousillée; elle sert de grange, d'estable, et de menuiserie. Nos gens, cette année, ont fait des aix, ont esté quérir les arbres dans les bois; ils ont mis des portes, des fenestres par tout; ils ont fait les petites chambres au réfectoire, quelques meubles, tables, [144] escabeaux, crédences pour la chapelle et autres choses semblables; ils ont enfermé notre maison de grands pieux de sapin, nous faisant une belle cour d'environ cent pieds en quarré, le Pere de Nouë conduisant cet ouvrage. Ces pieux ont quatorze pieds de hault; il y en est entré près de douze cent. Cela est beau à voir et bien utile. Nous y avons mis de bonnes portes, que Louys a bien ferrés; avec tout cela on a cultivé, labouré, et ensemencé nos terres défrichées: voilà les plus gros ouvrages de nos gens, et l'estat de la maison.

There was another building of the same size, opposite this one. The English burned half of it, and the other half is covered only with mud; it serves us as a barn, a stable, and a carpenter's room. Our workingmen this year have made boards, have gone to the woods to get the trees, have placed doors and windows throughout, have made the little rooms in the refectory, some furniture, tables, [144] stools, credence-tables for the chapel, and other similar things; they have enclosed our house with large poles of the fir tree, making for us a fine court about a hundred feet square, being superintended in this work by Father de Nouë. These poles are fourteen feet high, and there are about twelve hundred of them. It looks well, and is quite useful. We have placed some gates therein, which Louys has bound with iron. In addition to all this, we have cultivated, tilled, and seeded our cleared lands. So these are the more important works of our people, and the condition of the house.

Voicy ce qu'il faut faire doresnavant:

The following is what must be done in future:

Il faut dresser une petite maison en une pointe de terre, qui est vis-à-vis de nous.[XXVI.] Il n'y a que la rivière à passer; l'eau tourne quasi tout à l'entour de 70 cette pointe, faisant une peninsule. Nous avons commencé à la fermer de pieux du costé de la terre, et nous logerons là dedans notre bestial, sçavoir est, les vaches et les cochons; il faut à cet effet dresser là une petite maison, pour ceux qui en auront soin, comme aussy de bonnes estables bien abbritées contre le froid.

We must erect a small house upon a point of land which is opposite.[XXVIII.] We need only cross the river to reach it; the water almost surrounds this point, forming a peninsula. We have begun to enclose it with stakes on the land side, and we shall keep there our cattle; that is, our cows and pigs; for this purpose we must build a little house, for those who will take care of them, and also some good stables sheltered from the cold.

L'an passé, on nous envoya un homme pour charpentier qui ne l'estoit pas, ce qui est cause qu'on n'a point basty cette année, ce qui nous a fait un [145] grand tort. Il faut en outre achever de dresser ce bastiment bruslé par les Anglois. On est après depuis la venue des navires, qui nous ont apporté un charpentier; il faut des planches pour le couvrir, faire les portes, fenestres, etc. Il nous faut faire une grange pour mettre ce qu'on recueillera de la terre. Il faut faire un puis: nous allons querir l'eau à deux cents pas de la maison; c'est une grande peine, l'hiver notamment qu'il faut casser la glace de la rivière pour avoir de l'eau. Il faut raccommoder et agrandir notre cave, que nous avons entretenue jusques icy. Il faut redresser plus de la moitié du bastiment ou nous logeons, et recouvrir tout, car il pleut et neige par tout: au commencement nos Pères ne firent qu'un meschant todis, pour se loger; les Anglois le négligeans, il seroit desjà par terre, si nous ne fussions retournés pour l'entretenir; ce ne sont que des planches et de petites lattes, sur lesquelles on a bousillé. Il faut du monde pour le bestial; il faut labourer et ensemencer le peu que nous avons de terre; il faut faucher et faire la moisson; il faut faire le bois de chaufage, qu'on va desjà quérir assés loing sans charrette; il faut faire de la chaux.

Last year they sent us a man as a carpenter who was not one; and for this reason there has been no building this year, which has done us [145] great harm. We must also repair the damages in the building burned by the English. They have been doing this since the coming of the ship, which brought us a carpenter; we must have planks with which to cover it, and make doors, windows, etc. We must make a barn in which to put our crops. We must have a well; we have to go for water two hundred steps from the house, which causes us great trouble, especially in the winter, when we have to break the ice of the river in order to get it. We must repair and enlarge our cellar, which until now we have kept in good order. We must rebuild more than half of the building where we now are, and put a new roof upon it, for the rain and snow penetrate everywhere; at first, our Fathers made only a miserable hut in which to live; the English neglecting it, it would have fallen to the ground if we had not returned to preserve it; it is made only of planks and small laths, upon which some mud has been plastered. We must have people to look after the cattle; the little ground that we have must be tilled and sown; the harvest must be cut and gathered in. We must prepare firewood, which they have to get at some distance away, and without a cart. We must have some lime made.

72

Il y a mille choses que je ne sçaurois rapporter: que V. R. voie si c'est trop de dix personnes pour tout cela. Nous en demanderions vingt ou trente, [146] s'il y avoit de quoy les nourrir et payer; mais nous nous restreignons-à dix, avec trois de nos Frères, et encore ne sçay-je si on pourra fournir, en France, ce qu'il faut pour cecy et pour nous, tant il y va de dépenses.

There are a thousand things which I cannot mention, but Your Reverence may see whether ten persons are too many for all this. We would ask for twenty or thirty, [146] if there were anything with which to feed and maintain them; but we restrict ourselves to ten, with three of our Brothers; and even then I do not know if they will be able to furnish, in France, what will be necessary for these and for us, so great are the expenses.

Ce qu'on peut prétendre de cette maison pour soulager la mission et frais qu'elle doit faire pour notre entretien.

What may be expected of this house for the assistance of the mission, and the expenses necessary for our support.

Il y a quatre gros articles qui font la plus grande dépense de cette mission: les lards qu'on envoie, le beurre, les boissons et les farines; avec le temps, le pays peut fournir cecy. Pour les lards, si dès cette année nous eussions esté bastis, il n'en eût point fallu envoyer, ou pas tant, l'année prochaine: nous avons deux grosses truies qui nourrissent chacune quatre petits cochons; il a fallu nourrir cela tout l'esté dans notre cour à découvert. Le P. Masse nous a eslevé ce bestial. Si cette pointe dont j'ay parlé estoit fermée, on les mettroit là, et on ne leur donneroit rien l'esté; je veux dire que dans quelque temps nous aurons du lard pour notre provision, c'est un article de 400 livres défalqué. Pour le beurre, nous avons deux vaches, deux petites genisses et un petit taureau. M. de Caen laissant icy son bestial, voyant qu'il se fust perdu, nous retirasmes trois vaches; de [147] la famille, qui est icy, trois autres; eux et nous avons donné à M. Giffard chacun une vache; il nous en reste ce que je viens de dire. Faute de logement, elles nous coustent plus qu'elles ne valent: car il faut détourner nos gens de choses 74 plus nécessaires; elles gastent ce que nous avons semé, et on ne les peut garder dans ces bois, les mouches les tourmentent. Elles sont venues trois ans trop tost; mais elles fussent mortes, si nous ne les eussions recueilly; nous les avons prises comme abandonnées. Avec le temps elles donneront du beurre pour la provision, et des bœufs pour labourer, et parfois de la chair.

There are four staples which make up the greatest expense of this mission: the pork, butter, drinks, and flour, which are sent; in time, the country may furnish these things. As to pork, if from the beginning of this year we had had a building, no more of it, or not much, would have had to be sent next year; we have two fat sows which are each suckling four little pigs, and these we have been obliged to feed all summer in our open court. Father Masse has raised these animals for us. If that point of which I have spoken were enclosed, they could be put there and during the summer nothing need be given them to eat; I mean that in a short time we shall be provided with pork, an article which would save us 400 livres. As to butter, we have two cows, two little heifers, and a little bull. M. de Caen having left his cattle here when he saw that he was ruined, we took of them three cows, and for [147] the family which is here, three others; they and we each gave to M. Giffard8 a cow, so we have remaining the number that I have just stated. For lack of a building, they cost us more than they are worth, for our working people are obliged to neglect more necessary things for them; they spoil what we have sown; and they cannot be tended in the woods, for the insects torment them. They have come three years too soon, but they would have died if we had not taken them in; we took them when they were running wild. In time they will provide butter, and the oxen can be used for plowing, and will occasionally furnish meat.

Pour la boisson, il faudra faire de la bierre; mais nous attendrons encore que nous soyons bastis, et qu'il y ait une brasserie dressée: ces trois articles sont assurés avec le temps. Pour les blés, on a douté si la terre, où nous sommes, n'estoit point trop froide. Allons par ordre, et voyons la nature du sol: voicy deux années que tout ce qui est du jardinage, qui ne lève que trop, a été mangé par la vermine, qui provient ou du voisinage des bois, ou de ce que la terre n'est pas bien encor exercée et purifiée ny aérée. Au milieu de l'esté, cette vermine meurt, et nous avons de fort beaux jardinages.

As to drinks, we shall have to make some beer; but we shall wait until we have built, and until a brewery is erected; these three articles are assured, with time. As to grains, some people are inclined to think that the land where we are is too cold. Let us proceed systematically, and consider the nature of the soil: these last two years all the vegetables, which come up only too fast, have been eaten by insects, which come either from the neighborhood of the woods, or from that land which has not yet been worked and purified, nor exposed to the air. In midsummer these insects die, and we have very fine vegetables.

Pour les arbres fruitiers, je ne scay ce qui en sera. Nous avons deux allées, l'une de cent pieds [148] et plus, l'autre plus grande, plantées de sauvageons de part et d'autre fort bien repris; nous avons huit ou dix antes de pommiers et poiriers qui sont aussy fort bien reprises: nous verrons comme cela réussira. J'ay quelque créance que le froid nuit grandement aux fruits; dans quelques années nous en aurons l'expérience. On a vu icy autre fois des belles pommes.

As to the fruit trees, I do not know how they will turn out. We have two double rows of them, one of a hundred feet [148] or more, the other larger, planted on either side with wild trees which are well rooted. We have eight or ten rows of apple and pear trees, which are also very well rooted; we shall see how they will succeed. I have an idea that cold is very injurious to the fruit, but in a few years we shall know from experience. Formerly, some fine apples have been seen here.

Pour le bled d'inde, il meurit bien l'an passé; cette année il n'est pas beau.

As to the indian corn, it ripened very nicely the past year, but this year it is not so fine.

Pour les pois, je n'en ay point veu chez nous de beaux; la terre pousse trop. Ils réussissent fort bien 76 chez cette famille qui est en lieu hault et plus aéré.

As to peas, I have seen no good ones here; their growth is too rapid. They succeed very well with this family, who live in a higher and more airy location.

Le seigle a réussy deux ans. Nous en avons semé pour en faire l'expérience; il est fort beau.

The rye has succeeded well for two years. We planted some as an experiment, and it is very fine.

L'orge peut aussy réussir. Reste pour le froment: nous en avons semé à l'automne en divers temps; il s'en est perdu en quelque endroit soubs les neiges; en un autre endroit il s'est si bien conservé qu'on ne voit point en France de plus beau bled. Nous ne sçavons pas bien encor le temps qu'il faut prendre pour semer devant l'hiver; la famille qui est icy a toujours semé du bled marsais, qui meurit fort bien en sa terre. Nous en avons semé un peu cette année; nous verrons s'il meurira. Voila les qualités du sol où nous sommes.

Barley succeeds also. There remains the wheat; we sowed some in the autumn, at different times; in some places it was lost under the snow, in others it was so well preserved that no finer wheat can be seen in France. We do not yet know very well which time it is best to take before winter to put in the seed; the family living here has always sown spring wheat, which ripens nicely in their soil. We sowed a little of it this year, and will see whether it ripens. So these are the qualities of our soil.

Je rapporte tout cecy, pour ce que M. de Lauson [149] nous mandoit que nous transportassions nos gens aux Trois-Rivières, où l'on va faire une nouvelle habitation, disant que tout meuriroit mieux en ce quartier là. On a esté bien en branle s'il le falloit faire; du moins on y vouloit envoyer trois ou quatre hommes. J'ay toujours creu qu'il ne falloit point diviser nos forces, et qu'il falloit faire réussir une maison, qui fût par après le soutien des autres; qu'il falloit voir le bien devant que d'y rien entreprendre. Enfin ceux qui sont passés les premiers mandent que la terre y est fort sabloneuse; que tous y meurira mieux pour un temps, mais que ce sol sera bien tost las. Je m'en vay demeurer là, comme j'ay dit, avec le P. Buteux; nous verrons ce qui en est. Quand la terre seroit très-bonne, je ne serois pas d'advis qu'on quittast le soin de cette maison où nous sommes: c'est l'abord des vaisseaux; ce doit estre le magasin, le lieu de refuge; la comodité pour le bestial, à cause des prairies, 78 y est grande; pour les farines, au pis aller on peut avoir des seigles, mais j'espère qu'on aura aussy de bon froment, et que le temps enseignera quand il le faut semer; si le bled marsais meurit, le fourment, le seigle et l'orge viendront icy fort bien. Tirons quelques conclusions de ce qu'il faut faire.

I report all this because M. de Lauson [149] wrote to us that we should transport our people to Three Rivers, where they were going to make a new settlement, saying that everything would ripen better in that quarter. There was much hesitation as to whether it should be done; at least they wanted us to send three or four men there. I have always thought that our forces should not be divided, and that one house should be made successful, which might afterward be the support of the others; for it is necessary to see some result before undertaking anything else. In fact, those who went there first send word that the soil is very sandy, and that all would mature better for a time; but that this soil will soon be exhausted. I am going to live there, as I have said, with Father Buteux; we shall see what there is in it. Even if the soil is very good, I do not think that the care of this house, where we are, should be given up: it is the landing place of the ships, it ought to be the storehouse, or place of refuge; the advantages for raising cattle here, on account of the meadows, are great. As to the cereals, if the worst comes to the worst, we have oats, but I hope that we shall also have good wheat, and that time will show us when it ought to be sown; if the spring grains ripen, wheat, oats, and barley will be produced here very well. From this, let us draw some conclusions as to what should be done.

Primo, il se faut bastir pour nous loger, et les animaux et les bleds.

First, we must build some place where we ourselves can stay, and can keep our animals and crops.

[150] Secundo, il faut semer maintenant ce qui est nécessaire, seulement pour le bestial, et tascher, au plus tost dans peu d'années, d'avoir des lards et du beurre.

[150] Second, we must now sow what is necessary for the cattle, and try as soon as possible, in a few years, to have some pork and butter.

Tertio, estans logés, tous nos gens s'appliqueront à la terre, à défricher et cultiver, pour avoir des bleds. Voilà ce me semble l'ordre qu'il faut faire garder pour le temporel; quand on sera basty, on ne tiendra plus ny charpentiers, ny artisans, mais seulement des défricheurs et laboureurs, pour l'entretenement de la maison. On empruntera par fois du fort un artisan, donnant un homme en sa place pour le temps qu'on le tiendra.

Third, being lodged, all our working people will apply themselves to clearing and cultivating the land, in order to have grains. The following is the order which it seems to me we ought to follow, in regard to the temporal; when we shall have built, we shall no longer keep any carpenters or artisans, but only woodchoppers and laborers, for the maintenance of the house. Occasionally we shall borrow an artisan from the fort, giving a man in his place for the time during which we shall keep him.

Ou bien ce qui me semble le meilleur, on tiendra serviteurs, domestiques, et on nourrira des hommes qui défricheront et cultiveront la terre à moitié, et ainsy, estans interessés dans leur travail, on n'aura que faire de se mettre en peine d'eux. Il y a encore du temps pour penser à cela.

Or rather, what seems to me better, we shall keep domestic servants, and shall maintain men who will clear and cultivate the land by shares, and thus, being interested in their work, we shall not have to take any trouble for them. There is still time to think of that.

Voicy une autre affaire:

Here is another matter:

On parle de commencer de nouvelles habitations en divers endroits, et d'avoir là de nos Peres. J'ay une pensée, que nous ne sçaurions pas entreprendre de nous loger et bastir partout; ce sera bien tout si nous faisons bien réussir le lieu où nous sommes, et 80 partant, pour les autres habitations, deux ou trois de nos Peres, ou deux Peres et un garçon y pourront [151] aller, et ces messieurs les logeront et entretiendront, et fourniront tout ce qu'il faudra pour l'église ou chapelle, s'il leur plaist. Nous allons le P. Buteux et moy, comme j'ay desjà dit, demeurer aux Trois-Rivières expressement pour assister nos françois, car nous n'irions pas sans cela; cependant nous portons des meubles pour la sacristie, et habits pour nous, et, ce que je trouve plus étrange, nos propres vivres que nous leur donnerons: car nous mangerons avec eux, faute de logis où nous puissions nous retirer. Nous faisons cela volontiers, car j'apprend que ces messieurs nous aiment fort, et nous assistent tant qu'ils peuvent, selon l'estat de leurs affaires; aussy faisons nous, et ferons nous tout ce que nous pourrons en leur considération: car outre que nous portons aux Trois Rivières jusques à de la cire et de la chandelle, nous avons envoyé aux Hurons trois ou quatre personnes plus que nous n'eussions fait, n'estoit leurs affaires que j'ay recommandées à nos hommes. Il est vray qu'ils ont donné quelque chose pour ce subject, à ce que m'a dit le Pere Lallemant. Je ne desire pas les importuner; mais je sçay leur aise qu'ils sçachent que nous les servirons de bon cœur, et que nous esperons qu'ils donneront ce qu'il faut pour l'entretien de [nos] Pères aux nouvelles habitations, et qu'ils monteront leur chappelle, comme ils ont fait cette année celle [152] de Kébec;[XXIX.] et 82 qu'ils donneront aussy des gages et des vivres aux hommes que nous tiendrons en leur considération; et pour leurs affaires soit dans les Hurons, soit ailleurs, nous tenons ces hommes avec nous, afin qu'ils ne se débauchent avec les Sauvages et ne donnent mauvais exemple, comme ont fait autrefois ceux qui y estoient. Voila pour le temporel de cette mission; si je me souviens d'autre chose, je l'escriray en un autre endroit.

They are talking about beginning new settlements in different places, and of having there some of our Fathers. I have an idea that we could not undertake to settle and build everywhere; it will be all we can do if we make the place where we are prosper; and therefore, for the other settlements, two or three of our Fathers, or two Fathers and a boy, can [151] go to them, and these gentlemen will lodge and maintain them, and will furnish everything for the church or chapel that they see fit. We are going, Father Buteux and I, as I have said, to live at Three Rivers expressly to assist our countrymen, for we would not go, were it not for that; however, we are going to take furniture for the sacristy, and clothes for ourselves, and, what seems to me stranger still, our own food, which we shall give to them; for we shall eat with them, for lack of a dwelling where we might be by ourselves. We do this willingly, for I learn that these gentlemen are very much attached to us, and assist us as much as they can, according to the condition of their affairs; also we do, and will do, all that we can for their sakes; for, besides carrying with us to Three Rivers everything, even to the wax and the candles, we have sent to the Hurons three or four more persons than we should have done, were it not for their affairs which I have entrusted to our men. It is true, that they have given something for this object, according to what Father Lallemant has told me. I do not wish to importune them; but I am aware that they are glad to know that we will serve them willingly, and that we shall expect them to give what is necessary for the maintenance of [our] Fathers in the new settlements; and that they will furnish their chapel, as they have done this year this one [152] at Kébec;[XXX.] and that they will give also wages and food to the men whom we shall keep for their sakes; and on their account, either among the Hurons, or elsewhere, we keep these men with us, in order that they may not become debauched with the Savages and show a bad example, as those did who were here formerly. This is all there is to be said for the temporal interests of this mission; if I remember anything else, I shall write it in another place.

Venons au spirituel.

Let us come to the spiritual.

Premièrement nous esperons une grande moisson avec le temps dans les Hurons, plus grande et plus prochaine si on y peut envoyer beaucoup d'ouvriers pour passer dans les nations voisines, le tout soubs la conduite et l'ordonnance du Supérieur qui sera aux Hurons. Ces peuples sont sédentaires et en grand nombre; j'espère que le P. Buteux sçaura dans un an autant du langage montagnais qui j'en sçay, pour l'enseigner aux autres, et ainsy j'iray où on voudra. Ce n'est pas que j'attende rien de moy; je tacheray de servir pour le moins de compagnon. Ces peuples, où nous sommes, sont errans et en fort petit nombre; il sera difficile de les convertir, [153] si on ne les arreste; j'en ay apporté les moyens dans la Relation.

First, we shall hope to have in time a great harvest among the Hurons,—greater and nearer, if we can send there many laborers to pass into the neighboring tribes, all to be under the leadership and command of the Superior who will be among the Hurons. These people are sedentary and very populous; I hope that Father Buteux will know in one year as much of the montagnais language as I know of it, in order to teach it to the others, and thus I shall go wherever I shall be wanted. It is not that I expect anything of myself, but I shall try to serve at least as a companion. These people, where we are, are wandering, and very few in number; it will be difficult to convert them, [153] if we cannot make them stationary; I have discussed the means for doing this, in my Relation.

Pour le Seminaire, hélas! pourroit-on bien avoir un fond pour cela? Dans les bastimens dont j'ay parlé, nous désignons un petit lieu pour le commencer, attendant qu'on fasse exprès un corps de logis pour ce subject. Si nous estions bastis, j'espérerois que dans deux ans le P. Brebeuf nous envoiroit des enfants hurons; on les pourroit instruire icy avec toute liberté, estans éloignés de leur parens. O le grand coup pour la gloire de Dieu, si cela se faisoit!

As to the Seminary, alas! if we could only have a fund for this purpose! In the structures of which I have spoken, we marked out a little place for the beginning of one, waiting until some special houses be erected expressly for this purpose. If we had any built, I would hope that in two years Father Brebeuf would send us some huron children; they could be instructed here with all freedom, being separated from their parents. Oh, what a great stroke for the glory of God, if that were done!

Quant aux enfants des Sauvages de ce pais-cy, il y 84aura plus de peine à les retenir; je n'y voy point d'autre moyen que celuy que touche V. R. d'envoyer un enfant tous les ans en France: ayant esté là deux ans, il y reviendra sçachant la langue; estant desjà accoustumé à nos façons de faire, il ne nous quittera point et retiendra ses petits compatriotes. Notre petit Fortuné, qu'on a renvoyé pour estre malade, et que nous ne pouvons rendre à ses parens, car il n'en a point, est tout autre qu'il n'estoit, encor qu'il n'ait demeuré que fort peu en France; tant s'en faut qu'il courre après les Sauvages, il les fuit, et se rend fort obéissant. En vérité il m'estonne: car il s'encouroit incontinent aux cabanes de ces barbares sitost qu'on lui disoit un mot; il ne pouvoit [154] souffrir qu'on luy commandast quoy que ce fust: maintenant il est prompt à ce qu'il peut faire. Je voulois envoyer cette année une petite fille, que la famille, qui est icy, m'a donnée, peut-être encore un petit garçon, selon le désir de V. R. Mais M. de Champlain m'a dit que M. de Lauson luy avoit recommandé de ne laisser passer aucun Sauvage petit ou grand. Je l'avois prié l'an passé du contraire; j'ay quelque pensée que le P. Lallemant a quelque part en ce conseil et en cette conclusion. Voicy les raisons pourquoy ils jugent qu'il n'est pas expédient qu'il en passe: 1º L'exemple des deux qui sont passés, et qui se sont perdus. Je respond que Louys[XXXI.] le Huron, fut pris et corrompu par les Anglois, et encor a-t-il fait icy le debvoir de chrestien, se confessant et communiant, l'an passé, à sa venue et à son départ de Kébec; il est maintenant prisonnier des Hiroquois. Pour Pierre le 86 montagnais,[XXXIII.] mené [155] en France par les Pères Récolets, estant icy de retour, il fuyoit les Sauvages: on le contraignit de retourner avec eux pour apprendre la langue, qu'il avoit oubliée; il n'y vouloit pas aller, jusque là qu'il dit: On me force, mais si j'y retourne une fois on ne m'aura pas comme on voudra. Les Anglois sont survenus là-dessus, qui l'ont gasté; adjoustés que je n'ay point veu sauvage si sauvage et si barbare que luy.

As to the children of the Savages in this country, there will be more trouble in keeping them; I see no other way than that which Your Reverence suggests, of sending a child every year to France. Having been there two years, he will return with a knowledge of the language, and having already become accustomed to our ways, he will not leave us and will retain his little countrymen. Our little Fortuné, who has been sent back because he was sick, and who can not return to his parents, for he has none, is quite different from what he was, although he has lived only a little while in France; so far from mingling with the Savages, he runs away from them, and is becoming very obedient. In truth he astonishes me, for he used to begin to run to the cabins of the barbarians as soon as we said a word to him; he could not [154] suffer any one to command him, whoever he might be; now he is prompt in whatever he does. This year I wished to send a little girl, who was given me by the family, that lives here, and perhaps also a little boy, according to Your Reverence's wish. But M. de Champlain told me that M. de Lauson had recommended him not to let any Savage go over, small or great. I begged him last year to allow this to be done; I have an idea that Father Lallemant has some share in this advice and in this conclusion. Here are the reasons why they think that it is not expedient for them to go over: 1st. The example of the two who have gone over and who have been ruined. I answer that Louys[XXXII.] the Huron was taken and corrupted by the English; and yet he has here performed the duties of a Christian, confessing and taking communion last year at his arrival, and at his departure from Kebec; he is now a prisoner of the Hiroquois. As to Pierre the montagnais,[XXXIV.] taken [155] into France by the Récolet Fathers, when he returned here, he fled from the Savages; he was compelled to return among them, in order to learn the language, which he had forgotten; he did not wish to go, even saying: "They are forcing me; but, if I once go there, they will not get me back as they wish." At that time the English came upon the scene, and they have spoiled him; I may add that I have not seen a savage so savage and so barbarous as he is.

L'autre raison du P. Lallemant est que ces enfans cousteront à nourrir et entretenir en France, et la mission est pauvre. S'ils sont en un collége, on demandera pension; s'ils sont ailleurs, cela retardera les aumônes que feroient les personnes qui les nourriront. Je répond que les collèges ne prendront point de pension, et quand il en faudroit, je trouve la chose si importante pour la gloire de Dieu, qu'il la faudroít donner. Le P. Lallemant commence à gouster mes raisons; car je l'assure qu'on ne peut retenir les petits Sauvages, s'ils ne sont dépaïsés ou s'ils n'ont quelques camarades qui les aident à demeurer volontiers. Nous en avons eû deux: en l'absence des sauvages, ils obéissoient tellement quellement; les sauvages estoient-ils cabanés près de nous, nos enfants n'estoient plus à nous, nous n'osions leur rien dire.

Father Lallemant's other reason is that it will cost something to maintain these children in France, and the mission is poor. If they are in a college, their board will have to be paid; if they are elsewhere, that will diminish the alms which would be given by the persons who support them. I answer that the colleges will not take anything for board; and, if it were necessary to pay this, I find the affair so important for the glory of God, that it ought to be given. Father Lallemant begins to appreciate my reasons, for I assured him that we could not retain the little Savages, if they be not removed from their native country, or if they have not some companions who help them to remain of their own free will. We have had two of these: in the absence of the savages they obeyed tolerably well, but when the savages were encamped near us, our children no longer belonged to us, we dared say nothing.

Si nous pouvons avoir quelques enfants cette [156] 88 année, je feray mon possible pour les faire passer, du moins deux garçons, et cette petite fille, qui trouvera trois maisons pour une. On m'en demande en plusieurs endroits. Si M. Duplessis m'écoute, au nom de Dieu, soit. Quant le P. Lallemant aura expérimenté la difficulté qu'il y a de retenir ces enfants libertins, il parlera plus haut que moy.

If we can have some children this [156] year I shall do all I can to have them go over, at least two boys and this little girl, who will find three homes for one. Several places have asked me for them. If M. Duplessis listens to me, in the name of God, so let it be. When Father Lallemant shall have found out the difficulty there is in keeping these wild children, he will speak more peremptorily than I do.

V. R. voit, par tout ce qui a esté dit, le bien que l'on peut espérer pour la gloire de Dieu de toutes ces contrées, et combien il est important, non-seulement de ne rien divertir ailleurs de ce qui est donné pour la mission de Kebec, mais encore de trouver quelque chose pour faire subsister du moins une maison qui serve de retraite aux Nostres, qui serve de séminaire pour des enfants et pour les Nostres qui apprendront un jour les langues, car il y a quantité de peuples différens tous en langage.

Voici encore.....

(Le reste manque au manuscrit.)

Your Reverence sees, through all that has been said, the benefits to be expected for the glory of God from all of these countries, and how important it is, not only not to divert to some other places what is given for the mission at Kebec, but still more to find something for the maintenance at least of a house which may serve as a retreat for Our Associates, as a seminary for children, and for Our Brothers who will one day learn the languages, for there are a great many tribes differing altogether in their language.

Still further ...

(The rest of this manuscript is lacking.)

NOTES:

[I.] Jean de Lauson, intendant de la compagnie des Cent-Associés, et qui fut plus tard gouverneur de la Nouvelle-France.

[III.] Jean de Brébeuf, d'une famille noble de Normandie, l'un des premiers missionnaires jésuites venus en Canada en 1625, et qui fut martyrisé au pays des Hurons en 1649 par les Iroquois.

[IV.] Antoine Daniel, natif de Dieppe, arrivé l'année précédente 1633, et martyrisé par les Iroquois, en 1649.

[V.] Ambroise Davost, arrivé l'année précédente, en même temps que le P. Daniel.

[VI.] Le P. Ennemond Masse, le même qui avait évangélisé les sauvages de l'Acadie, dès l'année 1611, avec le P. Biard. Il vint en Canada en 1633 et mourut en la résidence de Saint-Joseph de Sillery, en 1646, à l'âge de 72 ans.

[XI.] Anne De Nouë, natif de Champagne, venu au Canada en 1626 et martyr de son zèle en 1646. On le trouva gelé sur le Saint-Laurent.

[XII.] Il vint au Canada en même temps que le P. Lejeune, en 1632.

[XIII.] Le Frère Jean Liégeois, qui périt victime de la haine des Iroquois, près de Sillery, en 1655.

[XVII.] Duplessis-Bochart, général de la flotte, comme on l'appelait alors, qui fut plus tard nommé gouverneur des Trois-Rivières, et qui fut tué par les Iroquois, le 19 août 1652.

[XIX.] Le P. Jacques Buteux, natif d'Abbeville, en Picardie, qui fut tué par les Iroquois, le 10 de mai 1652.

[XX.] Le P. Charles Lalemant, l'un des trois premiers missionnaires jésuites venus à Québec, en 1625.

[XXIII.] Le P. Benier était confesseur de la princesse X ***.

[XXV.] Notre-Dame des Anges, près de Québec.

[XXVI.] La pointe aux Lièvres, à l'entrée de la rivière Saint-Charles.

[XXIX.] «L'an 1634, Messieurs de la Compagnie ont envoyé pour cent escus de meubles et ornements entre autres l'image de saint Joseph en bosse qui est sur l'autel.» Catalogue des bienfaiteurs de Notre-Dame de Recouvrance (Archives du Séminaire de Québec).

[XXXI.] Louis Amantacha, surnommé de Sainte-Foy, qui avait été baptisé en France.

[XXXIII.] Ou Pierre-Antoine Patetchoanen, «qui depuis cinq ans (1620-5) avoit été envoyé en France par nos religieux de Kébec; lequel après avoir été bien instruit et endoctriné aux choses de la foy, fut baptizé et nommé par deffunt M. le Prince de Guiménée, son parrain, Pierre Antoine, qu'il entretint aux études jusques après sa mort, que l'enfant fut congru en la langue latine, et si bon françois, qu'estant de retour à Kébec, nos religieux furent contraints le renvoyer pour quelque temps entre ses parens, afin de reprendre les idées de sa langue maternelle, qu'il avoit presque oublié.» (F. Sagard.)

FOOTNOTES:

[II.] Jean de Lauson,2 intendant of the company of the Hundred Associates, who was later governor of New France—[Carayon.]

[VII.] Jean de Brébeuf, of a noble family of Normandy, one of the first jesuit missionaries, came to Canada in 1625, and was martyred in the country of the Hurons, in 1649, by the Iroquois.—[Carayon.]

[VIII.] Antoine Daniel, a native of Dieppe, arrived the preceding year, 1633, and was martyred by the Iroquois in 1649.—[Carayon.]

[IX.] Ambroise Davost arrived the preceding year, at the same time as Father Daniel.3—[Carayon.]

[X.] Father Ennemond Masse, the same one who had evangelized the savages of Acadia in the year 1611 with Father Biard. He came to Canada in 1633 and died at the residence of Saint-Joseph de Sillery, in 1646, at the age of 72 years.—[Carayon.]

[XIV.] Anne De Nouë, native of Champagne, came to Canada in the year 1626 and was a martyr to his zeal in 1646. He was found frozen upon the Saint Lawrence.—[Carayon.]

[XV.] He came to Canada the same time as Lejeune, 1632.—[Carayon.]

[XVI.] Brother Jean Liégeois, who perished as a victim of Iroquois hatred, near Sillery, in 1655.—[Carayon.]

[XVIII.] Duplessis-Bochart, general of the fleet, as he was then called; who was later made governor of Three Rivers and killed by the Iroquois on the 19th of August, 1652.—[Carayon.]

[XXI.] Father Jacques Buteux,5 a native of Abbeville, in Picardie, who was killed by the Iroquois on the 10th of May, 1652.—[Carayon.]

[XXII.] Father Charles Lalemant, one of the first three jesuit missionaries, came to Quebec in 1625.—[Carayon.]

[XXIV.] Father Benier was confessor of the princess X ***.—[Carayon.]

[XXVII.] Notre Dame des Anges,7 near Quebec—[Carayon.]

[XXVIII.] La pointe aux Lièvres, at mouth of river Saint Charles.—[Carayon.]

[XXX.] "In the year 1634 the Gentlemen of the Society sent one hundred ecus' worth of furniture and ornaments, among others the figure of saint Joseph in relief, which is over the altar." Catalogue of the benefactors of Notre-Dame de Recouvrance. (Archives of the Seminary at Québec.)—[Carayon.]

[XXXII.] Louis Amantacha, surnamed Sainte-Foy, who was baptized in France.—[Carayon.]

[XXXIV.] Pierre-Antoine Patetchoanen, "who, five years ago, (1620-5) was sent into France by our religious of Kébec; after having been taught and instructed in the doctrines of the faith, he was baptized and named by the deceased M. le Prince de Guiménée, his godfather, Pierre Antoine, who maintained him at his studies up to the time of his death, until the child became so well versed in the latin language, and so good a frenchman, that having returned to Kébec, our religious were obliged to send him back for a little while to his parents, so that he might regain the ideas of his native tongue, which he had almost forgotten."12 (F. Sagard.)—[Carayon.]

XXIII

Le Jeune's Relation, 1634

Paris: SEBASTIEN CRAMOISY, 1635

Source: Title-page and text reprinted from the copy of the first issue, in Lenox Library. Table des Chapitres, from the second issue, at Lenox.

Chaps. i.-ix., only, are given in the present volume; the concluding portion will appear in Volume VII.

RELATION
DE CE QVI S'EST PASSÉ
EN LA
NOVVELLE FRANCE,
EN L'ANNÉE 1634.

Enuoyée au
R. PERE PROVINCIAL
de la Compangnie de Iesvs
en la Prouince de France.

Par le P. Paul le Ieune de la mesme Compagnie,
Superieur de la residence de Kebec.

A PARIS
Chez Sebastien Cramoisy, Imprimeur
ordinaire du Roy, ruë S. Iacques, aux Cicognes.

M DC. XXXV.
AVEC PRIVILEGE DV ROY.

RELATION
OF WHAT OCCURRED
IN
NEW FRANCE,
IN THE YEAR 1634.

Sent to the
Reverend Father Provincial
of the Society of Jesus in the
Province of France.

By Father Paul le Jeune, of the same Society,
Superior of the Residence of Kebec.

PARIS,
Sebastien Cramoisy, Printer in ordinary to the King.
Ruë St. Jacques, at the Sign of the Storks.

M DC. XXXV.
BY ROYAL LICENSE.

96

[iii] Extraict du Priuilege du Roy.

PAR Grace & Priuilege du Roy, il est permis à Sebastien Cramoisy, Imprimeur o[r]dinaire du Roy, marchand Libraire Iuré en l'Vniuersité de Paris, d'imprimer ou faire imprimer vn liure intitulé, Relation de ce qui s'est passé en la Nouuelle France en l'année mil six cens trente-quatre, Enuoyée au Reuerend Pere Barthelemy Iaquinot, Prouincial de la Compagnie de Iesvs en la Prouince de France, Par le P. Paul le Ieune de la mesme Compagnie, Superieur de la Residence de Kebec: & cependant le temps & espace de neuf années consecutiues. Auec defenses à tous Libraires & Imprimeurs d'imprimer ou faire imprimer ledit liure, sous pretexte de desguisement, ou changement qu'ils y pourroient faire, à peine de confiscation, & de l'amende portée par ledit Priuilege. Donné à Paris le 8. Decembre mil six cens trente-quatre.

Par le Roy en son Conseil,

VICTON.

[iii] Extract from the Royal License.

BY the Grace and License of the King, permission is granted to Sebastien Cramoisy. Printer in ordinary to the King, Bookseller under Oath in the University of Paris, to print or to have printed a book entitled, Relation de ce qui s'est passé en la Nouvelle France en l'année mil six cens trente-quatre, Envoyée au Reverend Pere Barthelemy Jaquinot, Provincial de la Compagnie de Jesus en la Province de France, Par le P. Paul le Jeune de la mesme Compagnie, Superieur de la Residence de Kebec: and this during the time and space of nine consecutive years. Prohibiting all Booksellers and Printers to print or to have printed the said book, under pretext of any disguise or change which they may make therein, under penalty of confiscation and the fine provided by said License. Given at Paris, the 8th of December, one thousand six hundred thirty-four.

By the King in Council,

VICTON.

98

[1] Relation de ce qvi s'est passé en la Novvelle France svr le Grand Fleuue de S. Laurens en l'année mil six cens trente-quatre.

Mon R. Pere,

Les Lettres de vostre Reuerence, les tesmoignages de son affection pour la cõuersion de ces peuples, les effets de son amour en nostre endroit, la venuë de nos Peres qu'il luy a pleu nous enuoyer pour renfort cette année, les desirs qu'ont vn si grand nombre des nostres de venir en ces contrées sacrifier leurs vies & leurs trauaux pour la gloire de Nostre Seigneur: Tout cela ioinct auec le bon succez qu'eurent [2] les vaisseaux l'an passé à leur retour, & l'heureuse arriuée de ceux qui sont venus cette année, auec le zele que tesmoignent Messieurs les associez de la Compagnie de la nouuelle France pour la conuersion de ces peuples barbares. Tous ces biens ioincts ensemble venãs fondre tout à coup dans nos grands bois par l'arriuée de Monsieur du Plessis General de la flotte qui nous met dãs la ioüissance des vns, & nous apporte les bonnes nouuelles des autres, nous comblent d'vne consolation si grande, qu'il me seroit bien difficile de la pouuoir bien expliquer: Dieu en soit beny à iamais, si sa bonté continuë de se respandre sur ces Messieurs, comme nous l'en prions de toute l'estenduë de nostre cœur, tant d'ames plongées dans vne nuict d'erreur qui dure depuis vn si long-temps, verront en fin le iour des veritez Chrestiennes: Et nostre bon 100 Roy, Monseigneur le Cardinal, Messieurs les Associez, Monsieur le Marquis de Gamache grand appuy de nostre Mission & quantité d'autres, par la faueur desquels le Sang du Fils de Dieu leur sera vn iour appliqué, auront la gloire & le merite d'auoir contribué à vne si saincte œuure.

[1] Relation of what occurred in New France on the Great River St. Lawrence, in the year one thousand six hundred thirty-four.

My Reverend Father,

The Letters of your Reverence, the evidences of your desire for the conversion of these people, the effects of your love for us, the coming of our Fathers whom you have been pleased to send this year for our reinforcement, the desires of so many of our society to come to these countries and sacrifice their lives and their labors for the glory of Our Lord: All this, added to the successful return of [2] our ships last year, and the fortunate arrival of those which have come this year, with the zeal which the Honorable associates of the Company of new France show for the conversion of these barbarous people,—all these blessings together, pouring down at once into our great forests through the arrival of Monsieur du Plessis, General of the fleet, who makes possible for us the enjoyment of some, and brings us good news of the others, overwhelm us with a satisfaction so great that it would be exceedingly difficult to express it well. God be forever praised for these blessings! If his goodness continues to be bestowed upon these Gentlemen, as we pray it may be with all our hearts, many souls plunged in a night of error, which has already lasted so long a time, will at last see the light of Christian truth. And our good King, Monseigneur the Cardinal, the Honorable Associates, the Marquis de Gamache,9 a great supporter of our Mission, and a number of others, by whose favor the Blood of the son of God will some day be applied to these souls, will have the glory and the merit of having contributed to so blessed a work.

[3] Ie distingueray la Relation de ceste année par chapitres, à la fin desquels ie mettray vn iournal des choses qui n'ont autre liaison que la suitte du temps auquel elles sont arriuées. Tout ce que ie diray touchant les Sauuages, ou ie l'ay veu de mes yeux, ou ie l'ay tiré de la bouche de ceux du pays, nommément d'vn vieillard fort versé dans leur doctrine, & de quantité d'autres auec lesquels i'ay passé six mois peu de iours moins, les suiuant dans les bois pour apprendre leur langue. Il est bien vray que ces peuples n'ont pas tous vne mesme pensée touchant leur créance, ce qui fera paroistre vn iour de la contrarieté entre ceux qui traicteront de leurs façons de faire.

[3] I shall divide the Relation of this year into chapters, at the end of which I shall add a journal of things which have no other connection than the order of time in which they happened. All that I shall say regarding the Savages, I have either seen with my own eyes, or have received from the lips of natives, especially from an old man very well versed in their beliefs, and from a number of others with whom I have passed six months with the exception of a few days, following them into the woods to learn their language. It is, indeed, true that these people have not all the same idea in regard to their belief, which will some day make it appear that those who treat of their customs are contradicting each other.

102

CHAPITRE I.

DES BONS DEPORTEMENS DES FRANÇOIS.

NOUS auons passé cette année dans vne grande paix & dans vne tres-bonne intelligence auec nos François. La sage conduitte & la prudence de Monsieur de Champlain Gouuerneur de Kebec [4] & du fleuue sainct Laurens qui nous honore de sa bien-veillance, retenant vn chacun dans son deuoir, a fait que nos paroles & nos predicatiõs ayent esté bien receuës, & la Chappelle qu'il a fait dresser proche du fort à l'honneur de nostre Dame, a donné vne belle commodité aux François de frequenter les Sacremens de l'Eglise, ce qu'ils ont fait aux bonnes Festes de l'année, & plusieurs tous les mois auec vne grande satisfaction de ceux qui les ont assistez. Le fort a paru vne Academie bien reglée, Monsieur de Champlain faisant faire lecture à sa table le matin de quelque bon historien, & le soir de la vie des Saincts; le soir se fait l'examen de conscience en sa chambre & les prieres en suitte qui se recitent à genoux. Il fait sonner la salutation Angelique au commencement, au milieu & à la fin du iour suiuant la coustume de l'Eglise. En vn mot nous auons subiect de nous consoler voyans vn chef si zelé pour la gloire de Nostre Seigneur & pour le bien de ces Messieurs.

CHAPTER I.

ON THE GOOD CONDUCT OF THE FRENCH.

WE have passed this year in great peace and on very good terms with our French. The wise conduct and prudence of Monsieur de Champlain, Governor of Kebec [4] and of the river saint Lawrence, who honors us with his good will, holding every one in the path of duty, has caused our words and preaching to be well received; and the Chapel which he has had erected near the fort, in honor of our Lady, has furnished excellent facilities to the French to receive the Sacraments of the Church frequently, which they have done on the great Feast Days of the year, and many every month, to the great satisfaction of those who administered them. The fort has seemed like a well-ordered Academy; Monsieur de Champlain has some one read at his table, in the morning from some good historian, and in the evening from the lives of the Saints; then each one makes an examination of his conscience in his own chamber, and prayers follow, which are repeated kneeling. He has the Angelus10 sounded at the beginning, in the middle, and at the end of the day, according to the custom of the Church. In a word, we have reason to console ourselves when we see a chief so zealous for the glory of Our Lord and for the welfare of these Gentlemen.

Croiroit-on bien qu'il s'est trouué vn de nos François en Canada qui pour contrecarrer les dissolutions qui se font ailleurs [5] au Carnaual, est venu le Mardy 104 gras dernier, pieds & testé nuë sur la neige & sur la glace depuis Kebec iusques en nostre Chappelle, c'est à dire vne bonne demie lieuë, ieusnant le mesme iour pour accomplir vn vœu qu'il auoit fait à Nostre Seigneur, & tout cela sans autres tesmoings que Dieu & nos Peres qui le rencontrerent.

Could it be believed that there is one of our Frenchmen in Canada, who, to offset the licentiousness which is carried on in other places [5] during the Carnival, came on last shrove Tuesday, with bare head and feet, over the snow and ice from Kebec all the way to our Chapel; that is, a good half league, fasting the same day, to fulfill a vow made to Our Lord; and all this was done without any other witnesses than God, and our Fathers who met him.

Pendant le sainct temps de Caresme, non seulement l'abstinence des viandes defenduës & le ieusne s'est gardé, mais aussi tel s'est trouué qui a fait plus de trente fois la discipline, deuotion bien extraordinaire aux soldats & aux artisans tels que sont icy la plus part de nos François.

During the holy time of Lent, not only abstinence from forbidden meats and fasting were observed, but there was a certain one who took the discipline more than thirty times,—extraordinary devotion in soldiers and artisans, such as are the greater part of our Frenchmen here.

Vn autre a promis d'employer en œuures pies la dixiesme partie de tous les profits qu'il pourra faire pendant tout le cours de sa vie. Ces petits eschantillons font voir que l'Hyuer n'est pas si rude en la nouuelle France qu'on n'y puisse recueillir des fleurs du Paradis.

Another has promised to use the tenth part of the profits he may make, during the course of his whole life, in works of piety. These little samples show that the Winter in new France is not so severe that some flowers of Paradise may not be gathered there.

Ie mettray en ce lieu, ne sçachant où le mieux placer ailleurs, ce qu'vn de nos François tres-digne de foy & recogneu pour tel, nous a raconté de Iacques Michel Huguenot qui amena les Anglois en [6] ce païs cy: Ce miserable la veille de sa mort ayant vomy cõtre Dieu & contre nostre sainct Pere Ignace mille blasphemes, & s'estant donné cette imprecation qu'il vouloit estre pendu s'il ne donnoit vne coupple de soufflets auant la nuict du iour suiuant à vn de nos Peres qui estoit pris de l'Anglois, vomissant contre luy des iniures fort messeantes, il fut surpris bien tost apres d'vne maladie qui luy osta toute cognoissance & le fit mourir le lendemain comme vne beste: Quatre circonstãces de ce rencontre donnerent de l'estonnement aux Huguenots mesmes, la maladie qui le prit 106 quelques heures apres ses blasphemes, l'erreur des Chirurgiens qui estoient en nombre, lesquels donnerent des remedes soporiferes à vn letargique, son trespas si soudain & sans cognoissance, expirant sans qu'aucun s'en apperceust quoy qu'il y eust six hommes aupres de luy, la fureur des Sauuages enuers son corps qui le deterrerent & le pendirent selon son imprecation, puis le ietterent aux chiens? Les Anglois qui estoient dans le fort de Kebec ayant sceu cette histoire tragique, dirent tous estonnez, que si les Iesuites sçauoient tout cela qu'ils en feroient des miracles.

I shall insert here, not knowing where better to put it, what one of our Frenchmen, quite worthy of credence, and so acknowledged, told us about Jacques Michel,11 a Huguenot, who brought the English to [6] this country. This wretch, having upon the eve of his death, vomited forth a thousand blasphemies against God and against our holy Father Ignatius, and having uttered this imprecation, that "he would be hanged if he did not give a couple of slaps before the next evening to one of our Fathers who was taken by the English," uttering the most unseemly insults against him, was soon afterwards overtaken by an illness which bereft him of all consciousness, and caused him to die the next day like a beast. Four circumstances in this incident astonished the Huguenots themselves,—the illness which seized him a few hours after his blasphemies; the mistake of the Surgeons, who were numerous, in giving soporific remedies to a man in a lethargy; his so sudden and unconscious death, expiring without any one perceiving it, although there were six men around him; the rage of the Savages against his body, which they disinterred and hanged, according to his imprecations, and then threw to the dogs. The English, who were in the fort at Kebec, having heard this tragic story, were amazed; and said that, if the Jesuits knew all that, they would make miracles out of it.

[7] Or nous le sçauons maintenant & cependant nous n'en ferons ny prodiges ny miracles: mais nous dirons seulement qu'il ne fait pas bon blasphemer contre Dieu ny contre ses saincts, ny se bander contre son Roy trahissant sa patrie: Mais venons maintenant à nos Sauuages.

[7] Now, we do know it, and yet we will make neither prodigies nor miracles out of it; but we will only say that it is not well to blaspheme against God or his saints, nor to strive against one's King to betray one's country. But now let us come to our Savages.

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CHAPITRE II.

DE LA CONUERSION, DU BAPTESME & DE L'HEUREUSE MORT DE QUELQUES SAUUAGES.

QVELQUES Sauuages se sont faicts Chrestiens cette année, trois ont esté baptisez cest Hyuer en mon absence, en voicy les particularitez toutes pleines de consolation que nos Peres m'ont raconté à mon retour.

CHAPTER II.

ON THE CONVERSION, BAPTISM, AND HAPPY DEATH OF CERTAIN SAVAGES.

SOME Savages have become Christians this year; three have been baptized this Winter during my absence. Here are the very encouraging particulars of these baptisms, which our Fathers related to me upon my return.

Le premier estoit vn ieune homme nommé Sasousmat aagé de 25. à 30. ans, les François le surnommoient Marsolet: Le ieune homme entẽdant vn iour vn Truchement parler des peines d'Enfer & des recompenses du Paradis, luy dit, mene [8] moy en France pour estre instruict, autrement tu respondras de mon ame, donc estant tombé malade il fut plus aisé de l'induire à se faire Chrestien, le Pere Brebœuf m'a donné de luy ce memoire.

The first was a young man named Sasousmat, from 25 to 30 years of age, whom the French have surnamed Marsolet. This young man, having one day heard an Interpreter talk about the pains of Hell and the rewards of Paradise, said to him; "Take [8] me to France to be instructed, otherwise thou wilt be responsible for my soul." Then, having fallen sick, it was easier to induce him to become a Christian. Father Brebœuf gave me this account of him.

"Ayant appris la maladie de ce ieune hõme ie le fus visiter, & le trouuay si bas qu'il auoit perdu le iugemẽt, nous voila dõc dans vn regret de ne le pouuoir secourir, ce qui fit prẽdre resolution à nos Peres & à moy de presenter à Dieu le lendemain le Sacrifice de la Messe à l'honneur du glorieux S. Ioseph Patron de cette nouuelle France, pour le salut & conuersion de ce pauure Sauuage: à peine auiõs nous quitté l'Autel qu'on nous vint aduertir qu'il estoit rentré en son bon sens, nous le fusmes voir, & l'ayans sondé nous le trouuasmes remply d'vn 110 grand desir de receuoir le S. Baptesme, nous differasmes neantmoins quelques iours pour luy donner vne plus grande instruction. En fin il m'enuoya prier par nostre Sauuage nommé Manitougatche, & surnommé de nos Frãçois la Nasse que ie l'allasse baptizer, disant que la nuict precedente il m'auoit veu en dormant venir en sa Cabane pour luy conferer ce Sacremẽt, & qu'aussi-tost [9] que ie m'estois assis aupres de luy que rout [tout] son mal s'en estoit allé, ce qu'il me confirma quand ie le fus voir: ie luy refusay neantmoins ce qu'il demandoit pour animer dauantage son desir, si bien qu'vn autre Sauuage qui estoit present ne pouuant souffrir ce retardement, me demanda pourquoy ie ne le baptizois point puis qu'il ne falloit que ietter vn peu d'eau sur luy & que s'en estoit fait, mais luy ayant reparty que ie me perdrois moy mesme si ie baptizois vn infidelle & vn mécreant mal instruict: le malade se tournant vers vn François, luy dit, Matchounon n'a point d'esprit, c'est ainsi que s'appelloit cet autre Sauuage, il ne croit pas ce que dit le Pere, pour moy ie le crois entierement. Sur ces entrefaites les Sauuages voulans décabaner & tirer plus auãt dans les bois Manitougatche qui commẽçoit à se trouuer mal, nous vint prier de le receuoir & le pauure malade aussi en nostre maison, nous prismes resolution d'auoir soin des corps, pour aider les ames que nous voyons bien disposées pour le Ciel. On met dõc sur vne traine de bois ce bon ieune homme, & on nous l'amene sur la neige, nous le receuons auec amour & [10] l'accommodons le mieux qu'il nous est possible, luy tout remply d'aise & de contentement de se voir auec nous, tesmoigna vn grand desir d'estre baptizé, & 112 de mourir Chrestien. Le lẽdemain qui estoit le 26. de Ianuier estant tombé dans vne grãde syncope nous le baptizasmes, croyãs qu'il s'en alloit mourir, luy donnans le nom de François en l'honneur de S. François Xauier, il reuint à soy, & ayant appris ce qui s'estoit passé, il se monstra plein de ioye d'estre fait Enfant de Dieu, s'entretenant tousiours iusques à la mort, qui fut deux iours apres, en diuers actes que ie luy faisois exercer tantost de Foy & d'Esperance, tantost d'Amour de Dieu & de regret de l'auoir offencé, il prenoit en cela vn plaisir fort sensible, & recitoit tout seul auec de grands sentimens ce qu'on luy auoit enseigné, demandant vn iour pardon à Dieu de ses pechez, il s'accusoit tout haut soymesme comme s'il se fust confessé, puis la memoire luy manquant, Enseigne moy (me disoit-il) ie suis vn pauure ignorant, ie n'ay point d'esprit, suggere moy ce que ie dois dire; vne autre fois il me pria de luy ietter de l'eau beniste pour l'aider à auoir douleur de ses pechez, [11] cela m'estonna, car nous ne luy auions pas encores parlé de l'vsage de cette eau, nous ayant inuité à chanter aupres de luy quelques prieres de l'Eglise, nous le voyõs pendant ce sainct exercice les yeux esleuez au Ciel auec vne posture si deuote que nous estions tous attendris, admirans les grãdes misericordes que Dieu operoit dedans cette ame, qui en fin quitta son corps fort doucement le 28. de Ianuier pour aller ioüir de Dieu."

"Having learned of the illness of this young man, I went to visit him, and found him so low that he had lost his reason. Behold us now greatly troubled at not being able to help him, and so we resolved, our Fathers and I, to offer to God the next day the Sacrifice of the Mass in honor of the glorious St. Joseph, Patron of this new France, for the salvation and conversion of this poor Savage; scarcely had we left the Altar, when they came to tell us that he had recovered his senses; we went to see him, and, having sounded him, we found him filled with a great desire to receive Holy Baptism; we deferred this, however, for a few days, in order to instruct him more fully. At last he sent word to me, through our Savage named Manitougatche, and surnamed by our French, "la Nasse," that I should come and baptize him, saying that the night before he had seen me in his sleep, coming to his Cabin to administer to him this Sacrament; and that, as soon [9] as I sat down near him, all his sickness went away; he confirmed this to me when I saw him. Nevertheless I refused his request, in order the more to stimulate his desire, so that another Savage who was present, not being able to bear this delay, asked me why I did not baptize him, since it was only necessary to throw a little water upon him, and then all would be done. But, when I answered him that I would myself be lost, if I baptized an infidel and a poorly-taught unbeliever, the sick man, turning to a Frenchman, said, 'Matchounon has no sense'—it was thus they called the other Savage—'he does not believe what the Father says; as for me, I believe it entirely.' Meanwhile, the Savages wishing to change their camp and to go farther into the woods. Manitougatche, who began to feel ill, came to beg us to receive him and the poor sick man also into our house: and so we decided to care for the bodies, in order to aid the souls, which we saw were well disposed toward Heaven. So this worthy young man was placed upon a wooden sledge, and brought to us over the snow. We received him with love, and [10] made him as comfortable as we could. He was fall of gladness and satisfaction to see himself with us, evincing a great desire to be baptized and to die a Christian. The next day, which was the 26th of January, as he had fallen into a deep stupor, we baptized him, believing that he was going to die. We gave him the name François, in honor of St. François Xavier. He regained consciousness, and, having learned what had taken place, expressed his joy at having been made a Child of God. He passed his time constantly until his death, which was two days later, in different acts that I caused him to practice, sometimes of Faith and Hope, sometimes of the Love of God, and of remorse for having offended him. He took a very obvious pleasure in this, and repeated all alone with deep feeling what had been taught him. One day, while he was asking pardon of God for his sins, he accused himself aloud, as if he were making his confession: then, his memory failing (he said to me): 'Teach me; I am a poor ignorant creature, I have no understanding; suggest to me what I ought to say.' Another time he begged me to sprinkle some holy water upon him, to help him to be sorry for his sins. [11] I was surprised at this, for we had not yet spoken to him of the use of this water; when, at his request, we sang some prayers of the Church in his presence, we saw him during this holy service with eyes raised toward Heaven in an attitude of such devotion that we were all greatly touched, admiring the wonderful effects of mercy that God was bringing about in this soul, which finally left the body on the 28th of January, to go and enjoy God."

Quand la nouuelle de sa conuersion & de sa mort fut sceuë de nos François à Kebec, il y en eut qui ietterent des larmes de ioye & de contentemens, benissans Dieu de ce qu'il acceptoit les premices d'vne terre qui n'a presque porté que des espines depuis la naissance des siecles.

When the news of his conversion and death became known to our French at Kebec, some of them shed tears of joy and satisfaction, blessing God for accepting the first fruits of a land which has borne little else than thorns since the birth of the centuries.

114

Il arriua vne chose biẽ remarquable peu d'heures apres sa mort, vne grãde lumiere parut aux fenestres de nostre maison, s'éleuant & s'abbaissant par trois fois, l'vn de nos Peres vid cét esclat, & plusieurs de nos hommes qui sortirent incontinent, les vns pour voir si le feu n'estoit point pris en quelque endroit de la maison, les autres pour voir s'il esclairoit, n'ayans trouué aucun vestige de cette flamme ils creurent [12] que Dieu declaroit par ce prodige la lumiere dont ioüissoit cette ame qui nous venoit de quitter. Les Sauuages de la Cabane du defunct virent dans les bois où ils s'estoient retirez cette lumiere, ce qui les espouuenta d'autant plus qu'ils creurent que ce feu estoit vn presage d'vne future mortalité en leur famille.

One quite remarkable thing happened a few hours after his death. A great light appeared at the windows of our house, rising and falling three times; one of our Fathers saw the flash, as did several of our men, who went out immediately, some to see if a part of our house had not taken fire, the others to see if it were lightning. Having found no trace of this fire, they believed [12] that God was declaring through this phenomenon the light that was being enjoyed by the soul that had just left us. The Savages belonging to the Cabin of the deceased saw this light in the woods, where they had withdrawn, and it frightened them all the more as they thought it was a foreshadowing of future deaths in their family.

I'estois pour lors (moy qui escris cecy) à quelques quarante lieuës de Kebec dãs la cabane des freres du defunct, cette lumiere s'y fit voir à mesme temps & à mesme heure, comme nous l'auons remarqué; depuis le Pere Brebœuf & moy confrontans nos memoires, & mon hoste frere du trespassé l'ayant apperceuë sortit dehors tout espouuanté, & la voyant redoubler s'escria d'vne voix si estonnante, que tous les Sauuages & moy auec eux sortismes de nos cabanes: ayant trouué mon hoste tout esperdu ie luy voulus dire que ce feu n'estoit qu'vn esclair, & qu'il ne falloit pas s'espouuanter, il me repartit fort à propos que l'esclair paroissoit & disparoissoit en vn moment, mais que cette flãme s'estoit pourmenée deuant ses yeux quelque espace de tẽps: de plus, as-tu iamais veu, me dit-il, esclairer ou tonner dans vu froid si [13] cuisant comme est celuy que nous ressentons maintenãt? Il est vray qu'il faisoit fort froid, ie luy demanday ce qu'il croyoit dõc de ces feux, c'est, me fit-il, vn mauuais augure, c'est, 116 vn signe de mort il m'adiousta que le Manitou ou le diable se repaissoit de ces flammes.

I was then (I who am writing this) some forty leagues from Kebec, in the cabin of the brothers of the dead man; and this light appeared there at the same time and at the same hour, as we have since observed, Father Brebœuf and I, by comparing our notes. My host, brother of the deceased, having perceived it, rushed out in horror; and, seeing it repeated, cried out in such astonishment, that all the Savages, and I with them, rushed out of our cabins. Having found my host all distracted, I tried to tell him that this fire was only lightning, and that he need not be frightened; he answered me very aptly that lightning appeared and disappeared in an instant, but that this fire had moved before his eyes for some time. "Besides" said he to me, "hast thou ever seen lightning or thunder in such piercing [13] cold as that which we are feeling now?" It was indeed very cold. I asked him then what he thought of these fires. "It is" he said, "a bad omen, it is a sign of death." He added that the Manitou, or devil, fed upon these flames.

Pour retourner à nostre bien-heureux defunct, nos Peres l'enterrerent le plus solemnellemẽt qu'il leur fut possible, nos François s'y trouuans auec beaucoup de deuotiõ. Manitougatche nostre Sauuage ayant veu tout cecy en outre, considerant que nous ne voulions rien prendre des hardes ou des robbes du trespassé, lesquelles il nous offroit, il resta si edifié & si estonné qu'il s'en alloit par les cabanes des Sauuages, qui vindrent bien-tost apres à Kebec, raconter tout ce qu'il auoit veu, disant que nous auions donné toute la meilleure nourriture que nous eussions à ce pauure ieune homme que nous en auions eu vn soin cõme s'il eust esté nostre frere, que nous nous estions incommodez pour le loger, que nous n'auions rien voulu prendre de ce qui luy appartenoit, que nous l'auiõs enterré auec beaucoup d'hõneur. Cela en toucha si biẽ quelques-vns, [14] notãment de sa famille, qu'ils nous amenerent sa fille morte en trauail d'enfant pour l'enterrer à nostre façon, mais le P. Brebœuf les rencontrant leur dit, que n'ayãt pas esté baptizée nous ne la pouuiõs mettre dans le Cimetiere des enfans de Dieu. De plus sçachant qu'ils font ordinairement mourir l'enfant quand la mere le laisse si ieune, croyans qu'il ne fera que languir apres son deceds, le Pere pria Manitouchatche d'obuier à cette cruauté, ce qu'il fit volontiers, quoy que quelques-vns de nos François estoient desia resolus de s'en charger au cas qu'on luy voulust oster la vie.

To return to our happy deceased. Our Fathers buried him with as much solemnity as they could, our Frenchmen being present and showing great devotion. Manitougatche, our Savage, having seen all this, and also observing that we did not wish to accept any of the belongings or clothes of the deceased, which he offered us, was so pleased and astonished that he went about among the cabins of the Savages who came soon afterward to Kebec, relating all that he had seen,—saying, that we had given the best food we had to this poor young man, that we had nursed him as if he had been our own brother, that we had inconvenienced ourselves in order to give him a lodging, that we had not consented to take anything that belonged to him, and that we had buried him with a great deal of honor. Some of them were so touched by this, [14] especially his own family, that they brought us his daughter, who had died in childbirth, to bury her in our way; but Father Brebœuf, meeting them, told them that, as she had never been baptized, we could not put her in the Cemetery of the children of God. Besides, knowing that they usually kill the child when its mother leaves it so young, thinking that it will languish after her death, the Father begged Manitouchatche to prevent this cruel act, which he did willingly; although some of our French People had determined to take charge of the child themselves, if a disposition were manifested to kill it.

Le second Sauuage baptizé a esté nostre Manitouchatche autrement la Nasse, i'en ay parlé dans mes Relations precedentes, il s'estoit comme habitué aupres 118 de nous auant la prise du païs par les Anglois, commençant à defricher & à cultiuer la terre, le mauuais traictement qu'il receut de ces nouueaux hostes l'ayãt esloigné de Kebec, il tesmoignoit par fois à Madame Hebert qui resta icy auec toute sa famille qu'il souhaittoit grandement nostre retour. Et de fait si tost qu'il sceut nostre venuë il nous vint voir, & se cabana [15] tout aupres de nostre maison, disant qu'il se vouloit faire Chrestien, nous asseurant qu'il ne nous quitteroit point si nous ne le chassions, aussi ne s'est-il pas beaucoup absenté depuis que nous sommes icy, cette communication luy a fait conceuoir quelque chose de nos mysteres. Le seiour qu'a fait en nostre maison Pierre Antoine le Sauuage son parent luy a seruy, d'autant que nous luy auõs declaré par sa bouche les principaux articles de nostre creance. O que les iugemens de Dieu sont pleins d'abismes! Ce miserable ieune homme qui a esté si bien instruict en France s'estant perdu parmy les Anglois, comme i'escriuis l'an passé, est deuenu apostat, renegat, excommunié, athée, valet d'vn Sorcier qui est son frere: Ce sont les qualitez que ie luy donneray cy apres parlant de luy: & ce pauure vieillard qui a tiré de sa bouche infectée les veritez du Ciel, a trouué le Ciel, laissant l'Enfer pour partage à ce renegat, si Dieu ne luy fait de grandes misericordes: Mais suiuans nostre route, apres la mort de Frãçois Sasousmat dont nous venons de parler, ce bon homme ennuyé de n'auoir auec qui s'entretenir: car pas vn de nous ne sçait [16] encores parfaictement la langue, se retira auec sa femme & auec ses enfans, mais la maladie dont il estoit desia attaqué, s'augmentant, il presse sa femme & ses enfans de le ramener auec nous, esperant la 120 mesme charité qu'il auoit veu exercer enuers son compatriote, on le receut à bras ouuerts, ce qu'ayant apperceu, il s'escria, ie mourray maintenant content puis que ie suis auec vous. Or comme ses erreurs auoient vieilly auec luy, nos Peres recogneurent qu'il pensoit autant & plus à la santé de son corps qu'au salut de son ame, tesmoignant vn grand desir de viure, remettant son Baptesme iusques à mon retour, neantmoins comme il s'alloit affoiblissant ils souhaitterent de le voir vn petit plus affectiõné à nostre creance, ce qui les incita d'offrir à Dieu vne neufuaine à l'hõneur du glorieux Espoux de la saincte Vierge pour le bien de son ame, le cõmencement de cette deuotion fut le commencement de ses volontez plus ardantes, il se monstra fort desireux d'estre instruit commençant à mespriser ses superstitions, il ne voulut plus dormir qu'il n'eust au prealable prié Dieu, ce qu'il faisoit encores deuant & apres sa refection, [17] si bien qu'il differa vne fois plus de demie-heure à mãger ce qu'õ luy auoit presenté, pource qu'on ne luy auoit pas fait faire la benediction, demandant au Pere Brebœuf qu'il luy fist dire douze ou treize fois de suitte pour la grauer en sa memoire. C'estoit vn contentement plein d'edification, de voir vn vieillard de plus de soixante ans, apprendre d'vn petit François que nous auons icy, à faire le signe de la Croix, & autres prieres qu'il luy demandoit. Le Pere Brebœuf voyant que ses forces se diminuoient, & que d'ailleurs il estoit assez instruict, luy dit que sa mort approchoit, & que s'il vouloit mourir Chrestien, & aller au Ciel, qu'il falloit estre baptisé. A ces paroles il se monstra si ioyeux qu'il se traisna luy mesme comme il peut en nostre chapelle, ne pouuant attendre 122 que les Peres qui preparoient ce qu'il falloit pour conferer ce Sacrement le vinssent querir: vn de nos François, son Parrain, luy donna le nom de Ioseph. Deuant & pendant son baptesme, qui fut le troisiéme d'Auril, le Pere l'interrogeant sommairement sur tous les [18] articles du Symbole, & sur les commandemens de Dieu, il respondit nettement & courageusemẽt qu'il croyoit les vns, & s'efforceroit de garder les autres si Dieu luy rendoit la santé, monstrant de grands regrets de l'auoir offensé: sa femme & l'vne de ses filles estoient presentes, celle-là ne pouuoit tenir les larmes & l'autre se monstroit, toute estonnée, admirant la beauté des sainctes ceremonies de l'Eglise.

The second Savage to be baptized was our Manitouchatche, otherwise, la Nasse, of whom I have spoken in my former Relations. He had begun to get accustomed to our ways before the capture of the country by the English, having commenced to clear and cultivate the land; the bad treatment he received from these new guests drove him away from Kebec; he sometimes expressed to Madame Hebert, who remained here with her whole family, his strong desire for our return. And, in fact, as soon as he heard of our arrival, he came to see us, and settled [15] near our house, saying that he wished to become a Christian, and assuring us that he would not leave us unless we chased him away; indeed he has been away from us very little since we have been here. This intercourse has made him understand something of our mysteries. The sojourn made in our house by Pierre Antoine,12 a Savage and a relative of his, has been of use to him, inasmuch as we have declared to him through his lips the principal articles of our faith. Oh, how unfathomable are the judgments of God! This wretched young man, who was so well instructed in France, having been ruined among the English, as I wrote last year, has become an apostate, renegade, excommunicate, atheist, and servant to a Sorcerer who is his brother. These are the qualities which I shall assign to him hereafter when speaking of him. And this poor old man, who has received from his infected lips the truths of Heaven, has found Heaven, leaving Hell as the heritage of this renegade, unless God shows him great mercy. But, continuing our story: after the death of François Sasousmat, of whom we have just spoken, this good man, wearied at not having any one with whom to converse,—for not one of us yet [16] knows the language perfectly,—went away with his wife and children; but, the disease with which he was already affected increasing, he urged his wife and children to bring him back to us, hoping for the same charity he had seen us practice toward his fellow-savage. He was received with open arms, perceiving which, he cried out, "Now I shall die happy, since I am with you!" But as his errors had grown old with him, our Fathers recognized that he thought as much and even more of the health of his body than of the Salvation of his soul, showing a great desire to live, and putting off his Baptism until my return; nevertheless, as he was continually growing weaker, they wished to see him show more interest in our belief; this induced them to offer to God a novena in honor of the glorious Spouse of the holy Virgin, for the welfare of his soul. The beginning of this devotion was the beginning of more earnest inclination on his part; he showed himself very desirous of being instructed, and began to despise his superstitions. He would no more go to sleep unless he had first prayed to God, which he did also before and after eating,—[17] to such an extent that he once deferred, for more than half an hour, eating what had been presented to him, because they had not had him offer the benediction, asking Father Brebœuf to have him say it twelve or thirteen times in succession, to engrave it upon his memory. It was very edifying to see an old man more than sixty years of age learn from a little French boy, whom we have here, to make the sign of the Cross, and other prayers that he asked to be taught. Father Brebœuf, seeing that his strength was failing, and also that he was well enough instructed, told him that death was approaching; and that, if he wished to die a Christian and go to Heaven, he must be baptized. At these words he showed such joy that he dragged himself as well as he could to our chapel, not being able to wait until our Fathers, who were making the necessary arrangements for administering this Sacrament, could go after him. One of our Frenchmen, his Godfather, gave him the name Joseph. Before and during his baptism, which took place on the third of April, the Father examining him briefly upon all the [18] articles of the Creed, and upon the commandments of God, he answered clearly and courageously that he believed the former, and would endeavor to keep the latter if God would restore him his health, and showed great regret for having offended him. His wife and one of his daughters being present, the one could not keep back her tears, and the other was greatly bewildered, admiring the beauty of the holy ceremonies of the Church.

Ie retournay de mon hyuernement d'auec les Sauuages, six iours apres son baptesme, ie le trouuay bien malade, mais bien content d'estre Chrestien. Ie l'embrassay comme mon frere, bien resioüy de le voir enfant de Dieu, nous continuasmes de l'instruire, & de luy faire exercer des actes des vertus, notamment Theologales, pendant l'espace de douze iours, qu'il suruescut apres son baptesme.

I returned from my winter sojourn with the Savages, six days after his baptism, and found him very sick, but very glad to be a Christian. I embraced him like a brother, greatly rejoiced at seeing him a child of God. We continued to teach him and to have him practice acts of virtue, especially the Theological Virtues [faith, hope, and charity], during the twelve days that he survived his baptism.

Les Sauuages desirans le penser à leur mode auec leurs chants, auec leurs tintamarres, & auec leurs autres supersti[ti]ons, tascherent plusieurs fois de nous l'enleuer iusques là, qu'ils amenerent vne traine pour le reporter, & l'vn de [19] leurs sorciers ou iongleurs le vint voir exprés pour le débaucher de nostre creance: mais le bon Neophyte tint ferme, respondant qu'on ne luy parlast plus de s'en aller, & qu'il ne nous quitteroit point, que nous ne l'enuoyassiõs. Ce n'est pas vne petite marque de l'efficacité de la grace du sainct Baptesme, de voir vn homme nourry 124 depuis soixante ans & plus, dedans la Barbarie, habitué aux façons de faire des Sauuages, imbu de leurs erreurs & de leurs resueries, resister à sa propre femme, à ses enfans, & à ses gendres, & à ses amis & à ses compatriotes, à ses Manitousiouets, sorciers ou iongleurs, non vne fois, mais plusieurs pour se ietter entre les bras de quelques estrangers, protestant qu'il veut embrasser leur creance, mourir en leur Foy & dedans leur maison. Cela fait voir que la grace peut donner du poids à l'ame d'vn Sauuage naturellement inconstante.

The Savages, wishing to care for him in their way, with their songs, their uproar, and their other superstitions, tried several times to take him away from us, even going so far as to bring a sledge upon which to take him back, and one of [19] their sorcerers or jugglers came to see him, for the express purpose of enticing him away from our belief; but the good Neophyte held firm, answering that they should not speak to him about going away, and that he would not leave us unless we sent him away. It is no slight indication of the efficacy of the grace of holy Baptism, to see a man who had been steeped for over sixty years in Barbarism, accustomed to all the ways of the Savages, imbued with their errors and with their illusions, resist his own wife, his children, his sons-in-law, his friends and his fellow-savages, his Manitousiouets, sorcerers or jugglers, not once but many times, to throw himself into the arms of strangers, protesting that he wished to embrace their belief, to die in their Faith and in their house. This shows that grace can give stability to the soul of a Savage, who is by nature inconstant.

En fin, apres auoir instruit nostre bon Ioseph du Sacrement de l'Extreme-Onction, nous luy conferasmes, & iustement le Samedy Sainct son ame partit de son corps, pour s'en aller celebrer [20] la feste de Pasques au Ciel. L'vn de ses gendres l'ayant veu fort bas, estoit demeuré aupres de luy pour voir comme nous l'enseuelirions apres sa mort, desirant qu'on luy donnast vne Castelogne & son petunoir, pour s'en seruir en l'autre monde: mais comme il alloit porter la nouuelle de cette mort à la femme du deffunct, nous l'enseuelismes à la fàçon de l'Eglise Catholique, honorant ses obseques le mieux qu'il nous fut possible. Monsieur de Champlain pour tesmoigner l'amour & l'honneur que nous portons à ceux qui meurent Chrestiens, fist quitter le trauail à ses gens, & nous les enuoya pour assister à l'office, nous gardasmes le plus exactement qu'il nous fut possible les ceremonies de l'Eglise, ce qui agrea infiniment aux parens de ce nouueau Chrestien; vne chose neantmoins leur depleut quand on vint à mettre le corps dans la fosse, ils s'apperceurent qu'il y auoit vn peu d'eauë au fonds, à raison que les neiges se fondoient 126 pour lors & degouttoient là dedans, cela leur frappa l'imagination, & comme ils sont [21] superstitieux les attrista vn petit. Cet erreur ne sera pas difficile à combatre quand on sçaura bien leur langue; voila à mon aduis les premiers des Sauuages adultes baptisez, & morts constans en la foy dans ces contrées.

Finally, after having instructed our good Joseph in the Sacrament of Extreme Unction, we administered it to him; and on that very day, Holy Saturday, his soul left the body and went to celebrate [20] Easter in Heaven. One of his sons-in-law, when he saw him very low, remained near him to see how we would bury him after death, wishing us to give him his Castelogne [blanket] and his tobacco pouch, for use in the other world; but, when he went to carry the news of this death to the wife of the deceased, we buried the latter according to the custom of the Catholic Church, showing as much honor as we could in the funeral ceremonies. Monsieur de Champlain, in order to give proof of the love and honor we bear those who die in the Christian Faith, had his people leave their work, and sent them to us to attend the services; we followed as closely as possible the ceremonies of the Church, which was very acceptable to the relatives of this new Christian. There was one thing, however, which displeased them; when we came to put the body in the grave, they noticed that there was a little water in the bottom, caused by the snow melting just then and dropping into it; this struck their imagination, and as they are [21] superstitious, saddened them a little. It will not be difficult to combat such errors, when we know their language well. These are, as far as I know, the first adult Savages in these countries who have been baptized and died firm in the faith.

Le troisiesme Sauuage baptisé cette année, estoit vn enfant âgé de trois à quatre mois seulement, son Pere estant en cholere contre sa femme, fille de nostre bon Ioseph, soit pource qu'elle le vouloit quitter, ou qu'il estoit touché de quelque ialousie, il print l'enfant & le ietta contre terre pour l'assommer: Vn de nos François suruenant là dessus, & se souuenant que nous leurs auions recommandé de conferer le Baptesme aux enfans qu'ils verroient en danger de mort, au cas qu'ils ne nous peussent appeller, il prit de l'eauë & le baptiza: ce pauure petit neantmoins ne mourut pas du coup, sa mere le reprit & l'emporta auec soy dans les Isles quittant son mary, qui nous a dit depuis qu'il croit que son fils est mort, sa mere estant tombée dans vne maladie qu'il iuge mortelle.

The third Savage baptized this year was a child only three or four months old: the Father, being angry at his wife, daughter of our good Joseph, either because she wanted to leave him, or because he had a touch of jealousy, took the child and threw it against the ground, to kill it. One of our Frenchmen happening along just then, and remembering that we had recommended them to administer Baptism to children whom they saw in danger of death, in case they could not call us took some water and baptized it; this poor little child did not die immediately, however; its mother took it and carried it away with her to the Islands, leaving her husband, who has since told us that he believes his child is dead, as its mother had been taken with a disease which he thought was mortal.

Le quatriesme estoit fils d'vn Sauuage [22] nommé Khiouirineou, sa mere s'appelloit Ouitapimoueou, ils auoiẽt donné nom à leur petit Itaouabisisiou ses parens me promirent qu'ils nous l'apporteroient pour l'enterrer en nostre cimetiere au cas qu'il mourut, & qu'ils nous le donneroient pour l'instruire s'il guerissoit, car il estoit malade, faisans ainsi paroistre le contentement qu'ils auoient que leur petit fils receut le sainct Baptesme: Ie le baptisay donc, & luy donnay le nom de Iean Baptiste, ce iour estant l'octaue de ce grand Sainct. Le sieur du Chesne Chirurgien 128 de l'habitation, qui vient volontiers auec moy par les Cabanes, pour nous aduertir de ceux qu'il iuge en danger de mort fut son parrain.

The fourth was the son of a Savage [22] named Khiouirineou, the mother's name was Ouitapimoueou, and they had named their little child Itaouabisisiou. His parents had promised me that they would bring him to us to be buried in our cemetery, if he died; and, if he recovered,—for he was very sick,—they would give him to us to be educated, thus showing their satisfaction that their little son should receive holy Baptism. So I baptized him and gave him the name Jean Baptiste, that day being the octave of this great Saint. Sieur du Chesne, Surgeon of the colony, who willingly comes with me through the Cabins, to advise us of those whom he considers in danger of death, was his godfather.

Le cinquiesme fut baptizé le mesme iour, son Pere auoit tesmoigné au sieur Oliuier truchement, qu'il eut bien voulu qu'on eust fait à son fils ce qu'on fait aux petits enfans François, c'est à dire qu'on l'eust baptizé, le sieur Oliuier m'en ayant donné aduis i'allay voir l'enfant, ie differay le baptesme pour quelques iours, le trouuant encore plein de vie; en fin le P. Buteux & [23] moy l'estans retournez voir, nous appellasmes Monsieur du Chesne, qui nous dit que l'enfant estoit bien mal. ie demanday à son Pere s'il seroit content qu'on le baptizât, tres-cõtent (fit-il,) s'il meurt ie le porteray en ta maison, s'il retourne en santé il sera ton fils, & tu l'instruiras. Ie le nommé Adrian du nom de son Parrain, il se nommoit auparauant Pichichich, son Pere est surnommé des François Baptiscan, il s'appelle en Sauuage Tchimaouirineou, sa mere Matouetchiouanouecoueou. Ce pauure petit âgé d'enuiron 8. mois s'enuola au Ciel, la nuict suiuante son Pere ne manqua pas d'apporter son corps, amenant auec soy dix-huict ou vingt Sauuages, hommes, femmes & enfans, ils l'auoient enueloppé dans des peaux de Castor, & pardessus d'vn grand drap de toile, qu'ils auoient achepté au magazin, & encore pardessus d'vne grande escorce redoublée. Ie déueloppay ce pacquet, pour voir si l'enfant estoit dedans, puis ie le mis dans vn cercueil que nous luy fismes faire, ce qui agrea merueilleusement aux Sauuages: car ils croyent que l'ame [24] de l'enfant se doit seruir en l'autre monde de l'ame, de toutes les choses qu'on luy donne à son depart, ie leur dis bien 130 que cette ame estoit maintenant dedans le Ciel, & qu'elle n'auoit que faire de toutes ces pauuretez neãtmoins nous les laissasmes faire, de peur que si nous les eussions voulu empescher, ce que i'aurois peu faire, (car le Pere chanceloit defia,) les autres ne nous permissent pas de baptizer leurs enfans quand ils seroient malades, où du moins ne les apportassent point apres leur mort. Ces pauures gens furent rauis, voyants cinq Prestres reuestus de surplis honorer ce petit ange Canadien, chantant ce qui est ordonné par l'Eglise, couurans son cercueil d'vn beau parement, & le parsemant de fleurs: nous l'enterrasmes auec toute la solemnité qui nous fut possible.

The fifth was baptized the same day. His Father made known to sieur Olivier, the interpreter,13 that he would be very glad if they would do to his son what was done to little French children; meaning that they should baptize him. Having been informed of this by sieur Olivier, I went to see the child, but deferred baptism for a few days, as the child was still full of vitality. At last, Father Buteux and [23] I, having gone to see him, called Monsieur du Chesne, who told us that the child was very sick. I asked his Father if he would like to have us baptize him. "I should be very glad" (he answered); "if he dies, I will carry him to thy house; if he recovers, he shall be thy son, and thou shalt instruct him." I named him Adrian, after his Godfather; before this he was called Pichichich; his Father has been surnamed by the French Baptiscan,—he was called, in Savage, Tchimaouirineou, his mother Matouetchiouanouecoueou. This poor little child of about eight months flew away to Heaven. The following night, his Father did not fail to bring the body, having with him eighteen or twenty Savages, men, women, and children. They had wrapped it in Beaver skins, and over that was a large piece of linen cloth, which they had bought at the store, and over all a great double piece of bark. I unrolled the parcel to see if the child was inside; then I laid it in a coffin which we had made for it, and this pleased the Savages wonderfully, for they believe that the soul [24] of the child will use in the other world of souls all the things that have been given to it at its departure. I told them indeed that the soul was now in Heaven, and that it had no concern whatever with these trifling things. Nevertheless we let them go on, for fear that, if we tried to prevent them,—which I might have done (for the Father already wavered)—the others would not permit us to baptize their children when they were sick, or at least would not call us after they died. These simple people were enchanted, seeing five Priests in surplices honoring this little Canadian angel, chanting what is ordained by the Church, covering the coffin with a beautiful pall, and strewing it with flowers. We buried him with all possible solemnity.

Tous les Sauuages assistoient à toutes les ceremonies, quand ce vint à le mettre en la fosse, sa mere y mit son berceau auec luy & quelques autres hardes selon leur coustume, & bien-tost apres tira de son laict dans vne petite [25] escuelle d'escorce qu'elle brusla sur l'heure mesme. Ie demanday pourquoy elle faisoit cela, vne femme me repartit, qu'elle donnoit à boire à l'enfant, dont l'ame beuuoit de ce laict. Ie l'instruisis là dessus, mais ie parle encores si peu qu'à peine me pût elle entendre.

All the Savages were present during the entire ceremony. When it came to lowering him into the grave, his mother placed his cradle therein, with a few other things, according to their custom; and soon after she drew some of her milk in a little [25] bark ladle, which she burned immediately. I asked why this was done, and a woman answered me that she was giving drink to the child, whose soul was drinking this milk. I instructed her upon this point, but I still speak the language so poorly that I scarcely made her understand me.

Apres l'enterrement nous fismes le festin des morts, donnans à manger de la farine de bled d'Inde, meslée de quelques pruneaux à ces bonnes gens, pour les induire à nous appeller quand eux ou leurs enfans seront malades. Bref ils s'en retournerent auec fort grande satisfaction, comme ils firent paroistre pour lors, & particulierement deux iours apres.

After the burial we had the funeral feast, giving some Indian cornmeal mixed with prunes to these simple people, to induce them to call upon us when they or their children were sick. In short, they went away very much pleased, as they showed us then, and more particularly two days later.

Le Pere Buteux retournant de dire la Messe de l'habitation, comme il visitoit les Cabanes des Sauuages, il rencontra le corps mort du petit Iean Baptiste qu'on 132 enueloppoit comme l'autre, ses parents, quoy que malades, luy promirent de l'apporter chés nous. On m'a desia fait recit (dit la mere) de l'honneur & du bon traictement que vous faictes à nos enfans, mais ie ne [26] veux point qu'on deueloppe le mien. Là dessus le Pere du premier trespassé luy dist, on ne fait point de mal à l'enfant on ne luy oste point ses robbes, on regarde seulement s'il est dedans le pacquet, & si nous ne sommes point trompeurs, elle acquiesça & presenta son fils pour estre porté dans nostre Chapelle, dans laquelle le Pere Buteux nous l'amena en la compagnie de ses parens & des autres Sauuages; nous l'enterrasmes auec les mesmes ceremonies que l'autre, & eux luy donnerent aussi ses petits meubles pour passer en l'autre monde, nous fismes encores le festin qu'ils font à la mort de leurs gens, bien ioyeux de voir ce peuple s'affectionner petit à petit, aux sainctes actions de l'Eglise Chrestienne & Catholique.

Father Buteux, as he was visiting the Cabins of the Savages on his return from saying Mass at the settlement, saw the dead body of little Jean Baptiste, which they were wrapping up like the other. His parents, although sick, promised to bring him to us. "They have already told me," (said the mother) "of the honor and kind treatment you show to our children, but I do not [26] wish mine to be unrolled." Thereupon, the Father of the one who had died first said to her, "They do no harm to the child; they do not take off any of its clothes; they only look to see if it is inside the parcel, and if we are deceiving them." She acquiesced, and presented her son to be carried into our Chapel, into which Father Buteux brought him to us, together with his relatives and other Savages. We buried him with the same ceremonies as the other, and they gave him also his belongings, to pass with him into the other world. We again held the feast that is made at the death of their people, very happy to see them, little by little, acquiring an affection for the holy offices of the Christian and Catholic Church.

Le quatorziesme de Iuillet ie baptizay le sixiesme, c'estoit vne petite Algonquine aagée d'enuiron vn an, ie ne l'eusse pas si tost fait Chrestienne, n'estoit qui ses parens s'en vouloient aller vers leur pays. Or iugeant auec Monsieur du Chesne, que cet enfant trauaillé d'vne fieure ethique, estoit en [27] danger de mort, ie luy conferay ce Sacrement, elle fut appellée Marguerite, on la nommoit en Sauuage Memichtigouchiouiscoueou, c'[e]st à dire, femme d'vn European, son Pere se nomme en Algonquain Pichibabich, c'est à dire Pierre, & sa mere Chichip, c'est à dire vn Canard, ils m'ont promis que si cette pauure petite recouure sa santé qu'ils me l'apporteroient, pour la mettre entre les mains de l'vne de nos Françoises, comme ce peuple est errant, ie ne sçai maintenant où elle est, ie crois 134 qu'elle n'est pas loing du Paradis, si elle n'y est desia.

On the fourteenth of July, I baptized the sixth, a little Algonquin girl about a year old. I would not have made this child a Christian so soon, had it not been that its parents wished to go to their own country. Now, believing with Monsieur du Chesne that this child, who was suffering from hectic fever, was in [27] danger of death, I administered this Sacrament. She was called Marguerite; her Savage name was Memichtigouchiouiscoueou, meaning, "wife of a European;" her Father was called in Algonquain, Pichibabich, that is to say, "Stone," and her mother Chichip, meaning "a Duck." They have promised me that if this poor little child recovers its health, they will bring it to me, to be placed in the hands of one of our French Women. As this is a wandering tribe, I do not know now where she is; but I believe she is not far from Paradise, if she is not already there.

La septiesme personne que nous auons mis au nombre des enfans de Dieu, par le Sacrement de Baptesme, c'est la mere du petit Sauuage, que nous auions nommé bien-venu; elle s'appelloit en Sauuage Ouroutiuoucoueu, & maintenant on l'appelle Marie, ce beau nom luy a esté donné, suiuant le vœu qu'auoit fait autresfois le R. Pere Charles l'Allement, que la premiere Canadienne que nous baptizerions, porteroit le nom de la saincte Vierge, & le premier Sauuage, celuy de [28] de son glorieux Espoux sainct Ioseph, nous n'auions point cognoissance de ce vœu, quand les autres ont esté baptizés. I'espere que dans fort peu de iours il sera entierement accomply: mais pour retourner à nostre nouuelle Chrestienne, l'ayant trouuée proche du fort de nos François, abandonnée de ses gens, pource qu'elle estoit malade, ie luy demanday qui la nourrissoit, elle me respondit que les François luy donnoient quelque morceau de pain, & que quelques vns reuenans de la chasse, luy iettoient par fois en passant vne tourterelle, si vous vous voulez cabaner, luy dis-je, proche de nostre maison, nous vous nourrirõs, & vous enseignerons le chemin du Ciel; Elle me repartit d'vne voix languissante, car elle estoit fort mal, helas! i'y voudrois bien aller, mais ie ne sçaurois plus marcher, aye pitié de moy, enuoye moy querir dans vn Canot. Ie ny manquay pas le lendemain matin 23. Iuillet ie la fis apporter proche de nostre maison; la pauure fẽme me demãdoit bien si elle n'entreroit point chez nous, elle s'attẽdoit que nous luy feriõs la mesme [29] charité que nous auions fait aux deux premiers baptizés, mais ie luy respõdis qu'elle estoit fẽme, & que nous ne pouuions 136 pas la loger dãs nôtre maisõnette qui est fort petite, que neãtmoins nous luy porterions à manger dans sa Cabane, & que tous les iours ie l'irois voir pour l'instruire, elle fut contente. Quand ie commençay à luy parler de la saincte Trinité, disant, que le Pere, & le F[i]ls & le sainct Esprit, n'estoient qu'vn Dieu qui a tout fait: ie le sçay bien, me fit-elle, ie le crois ainsi; Ie fus tout estonné à cette repartie, mais elle me dit que nostre bon Sauuage Ioseph luy rapportoit par fois ce que nous luy disions, cela me consola fort, car en peu de temps elle fut suffisamment instruicte pour estre baptizée: i'estois seulement en peine de luy faire conceuoir vne douleur de sez pechez, les Sauuages n'ont point en leur langue, si bien en leurs mœurs, ce mot de peché: le mot de meschanceté & de malice signifie parmy eux vne action contre la pureté, à ce qu'ils m'ont dit: i'estois donc en peine de luy faire conceuoir vn deplaisir d'auoir offencé [30] Dieu, ie luy leus par plusieurs fois les Commandemens, luy disant que celuy qui à tout fait haïssoit ceux qui ne luy obeïssoient pas, & qu'elle luy dit qu'elle estoit bien marrie de l'auoir offencé: La pauure femme qui auoit bien retenu les deffences que Dieu a fait à tous les hommes de mentir, de paillarder, de desobeïr à ses parents, s'accusa tout seule de toutes ses offences par plusieurs fois: disant de soy mesme, celuy qui as tout fait aye pitié de moy, Iesvs, Fils de celuy qui peut tout, fais moy misericorde: ie te promets que ie ne m'enyureray plus ny que ie ne diray plus de paroles des honnestes, que ie ne mentiray plus, ie suis marrie de t'auoir fasché, i'en suis marrie de tout mon cœur, ie ne mens point, aye pitié de moy, si je retourne en santé, ie croiray tousiours 138 en toy, ie t'obeiray tousiours, si ie meurs aye pitié de mon ame; l'aiant donc veuë ainsi disposée, craignant d'ailleurs qu'elle ne mourust subitement, car elle estoit fort malade, ie luy demanday si elle ne vouloit pas bien estre baptizée, ie voudrois bien encore viure, me dit-elle, [31] ie cogneu qu'elle s'imaginoit que nous ne donnions point le baptesme qu'à ceux qui deuoient mourir incontinent apres; ie luy fist entendre que nous estions tous baptizés, & que nous n'estions pas morts, que le baptesme rendoit plutost la santé du corps, qu'il ne l'ostoit; baptise moy donc au plutost me fit elle: ie la voulus esprouuer, il estoit arriué quelques canots de Sauuages à Kebec, ie luy dis, voila vne compagnie de tes gens qui vient d'arriuer, si tu veux t'en aller auec eux, ils te receuront, & ie te feray porter en leurs cabanes; la pauure creature se mit à pleurer & à sanglotter si fort, qu'elle me toucha, me tesmoignant par ses larmes qu'elle vouloit estre Chrestienne, & que ie ne la chassasse point: enfin voiant son mal redoubler, nous prismes resolution de la baptizer promptement; ie luy fist entendre qu'elle pourroit mourir la nuict, & que son ame s'en iroit dans les feux, si elle n'estoit baptizée: que si elle vouloit receuoir ce sacrement en nostre Chappelle, que ie l'y ferois apporter dans vne couuerture, elle tesmoigna qu'elle [32] en estoit contente: ie m'en vay, luy disie, preparer tout ce qu'il fault, prends courage, ie t'enuoieray bien-tost querir: la pauure femme n'eut pas la patience d'attendre, elle se traisne comme elle pût, se reposant à tous coups, en fin elle arriua à nostre maison esloignée de plus de deux cent pas de sa cabane, & se jetta par terre n'en pouuant plus, estant reuenuë à soy, ie la baptizay en presence de 140 nos Peres, & de tous nos hommes: elle me respondit brauement à toutes les demandes que ie luy feis, suiuant l'ordre de conferer ce Sacrement aux personnes qui ont l'vsage de raison: Nous la reportasmes dans sa cabane toute pleine de joie, & nous remplis de consolation voiant la grace de Dieu operer dans vne ame où le diable auoit fait sa demeure si long temps. Cecy arriua le premier iour d'Aoust.

The seventh person whom we have placed among the number of the children of God, through the Sacrament of Baptism, is the mother of the little Savage whom we named "bien-venu;" she is called, in Savage, Ouroutiuoucoueu, and now her name is Marie. This beautiful name was given to her in pursuance of a vow once made by Reverend Father Charles l'Allement, that the first Canadian Woman whom we should baptize should bear the name of the holy Virgin; and the first Savage, that [28] of her glorious Spouse, saint Joseph. We did not know about this vow, when the others were baptized; I hope that in a very few days it will be entirely fulfilled. But to return to our new Christian. When I found her near the French fort, abandoned by her people, because she was sick, I asked her who fed her; she answered that the French gave her a few morsels of bread, and that, on their return from the chase, they occasionally threw her a pigeon. "If you wish to stay near us," I said, "we will care for you, and will teach you the way to Heaven." She answered me in a weak voice, for she was very sick, "Alas! I would indeed like to go there, but I can no longer walk; have pity upon me, send some one in a Canoe to fetch me." I did not fail to do this; and on the next day, the 23rd of July, I had her brought near our house. The poor woman asked me if she were not to go inside, expecting us to show her the same [29] charity that the first two who had been baptized had received; but I told her that, as she was a woman, we could not lodge her in our house, which is very small; that we would, however, carry her something to eat to her Hut, and that every day I would go to see and teach her. She was satisfied with this. When I began to speak to her about the holy Trinity, saying that the Father, the son, and the holy Spirit, were only one God, who has made all things, "I know that well," she replied, "I believe it." I was greatly astonished at this answer, but she told me that our good Savage Joseph occasionally reported to her what we told him. This was a great consolation to me, for in a short time she was sufficiently instructed to be baptized. My only trouble was to make her feel sorrow for her sins. The Savages have not this word "sin" in their language, though they certainly have it in their customs. The word for wickedness and malice, among them, means a violation of purity, as they have told me. So I was puzzled to know how to make her understand sorrow at having offended [30] God. I read her the Commandments several times, telling her that he who made all things hates those who do not obey him; and that she should tell him she was very sorry for having offended him. The poor woman, who well remembered that God forbids all men to lie, to be wanton, to disobey their parents, accused herself over and over again of all these offences. She said of her own accord, "Thou who hast made all things, have mercy upon me; Jesus, son of him who hath all power, have compassion upon me. I promise thee that I will not get drunk any more, that I will not utter bad words any more, that I will not lie any more. I am sorry for having angered thee, I am sorry with all my heart. I am not lying, have mercy upon me. If I recover, I will always believe in thee, I will always obey thee. If I die, have mercy upon my soul." As I saw her thus minded, and feared beside that she might die suddenly, for she was very ill, I asked her if she would not like to be baptized. "I would like to live longer," she replied. [31] I saw she imagined that we only gave baptism to those who were to die immediately afterwards. I made her understand that we were all baptized and we were not dead, that baptism restored health to the body rather than took it away. "Baptize me then as soon as possible," she answered. I wanted to try her. Some canoes of Savages having arrived at Kebec, I said to her: "Here is a company of thy people just arrived; if thou wishest to go away with them, they will receive thee, and I will have thee taken to their cabins." The poor creature began to weep and to sob so violently, that I was touched, proving to me by her tears that she wanted to be a Christian, and that she did not want me to drive her away. At last, when we saw that she was growing much worse, we decided to baptize her at once. I made her understand that she might die that night, and that her soul would go into the flames if she were not baptized; that if she wished to receive this sacrament in our Chapel, I would have her conveyed there in a blanket. She showed that she [32] was satisfied with this. "I am going away," I said to her, "to prepare what is necessary, take courage, I will send for thee soon." The poor woman did not have the patience to wait, but dragged herself along as well as she could, resting at every step, until at last she arrived at our house more than two hundred steps from her cabin, and threw herself upon the ground completely exhausted. When she recovered herself, I baptized her in the presence of our Fathers and of all our men. She answered confidently all the questions I put to her in following the order of the administration of this Sacrament to persons who have the use of their reason. We bore her, all full of joy, back to her own cabin; and we ourselves were greatly comforted at seeing the grace of God working in a soul where the devil has so long made his habitation. This happened the first day of August.

Le lendemain quelques François m'estant venus voir, l'allans visiter, ils la trouuerent tenant vn Crucifix en main, & l'apostrophant fort doucement! Toy qui est mort pour moy, fais moy misericorde, ie veux croire en [33] toy toute ma vie, aye pitié de mon ame; Ie rapporte expressement toutes ces particularitez, pour faire voir que nos Sauuages ne sont point si barbares qu'ils ne puissent estre faits enfans de Dieu: I'espere que là où le peché a regné, que la grace y triomphera, cette pauure femme veit encores plus proche du Ciel que de la santé.

The next day, some French people, who came to see me, went to visit her, and found her holding a Crucifix in her hand, and addressing it in a low voice: "Thou who hast died for me, be merciful to me; I wish to believe in [33] thee all my life; have pity upon my soul." I report all these details purposely, that you may see that our Savages are not so barbarous that they cannot be made children of God. I hope that there, where sin has reigned, grace will triumph. This poor woman is still living, nearer to Heaven than to health.

Ie concluerray ce Chapitre par vn chastiment assez remarquable d'vne autre Canadienne, qui ayant fermé l'oreille à Dieu pendant sa maladie, semble auoir esté rejettée à sa mort. Le Pere Brebœuf l'ayant esté voir, pour luy parler de receuoir la foy, elle se mocqua de luy, & mesprisa ses paroles: sa maladie l'ayant terrassée, & les Sauuages voulans decabaner, la porterent à cette honneste famille, habituée icy depuis vn assez long temps; mais n'ayãt pas où la loger, ces Barbares la trainerent au fort, si nous n'eussions esté si esloignez, asseurément ils nous l'auroient amenée; car ie me doute qu'ils la presentoiẽt à nos François, voyans que nous auions receu auec beaucoup d'amour les deux Sauuages morts Chrestiens. [34] 142 Monsieur de Champlain voyant qu'il estoit desia tard luy fist donner le couuert pour vne nuict, ceux qui estoient dans la chambre où on la mit furent contraints d'en sortir, ne pouuans supporter l'infection de cette femme.

I shall finish this Chapter with an account of the very remarkable punishment of a Canadian Woman, who, having closed her ear to God during her sickness, seems to have been rejected at her death. When Father Brebœuf went to see her, to speak to her about receiving the faith, she laughed at him and scorned his words. Having been prostrated by sickness, and the Savages wishing to break camp, they carried her to this worthy family who have lived here for quite a long time; but, as they had no place to keep her, these Barbarians dragged her to the fort; if we had not been so far away, they would no doubt have brought her to us, for I am inclined to think that they presented her to our Frenchmen because we had received with so much kindness the two deceased Christian Savages. [34] Monsieur de Champlain, as it was already late, gave her shelter for one night. Those who were in the room where she was placed, had to leave, as they could not bear the odor from this woman.

Le iour venu Monsieur de Champlain fist appeller quelques Sauuages, & leur ayant reproché leur cruauté d'abandonner cette creature qui estoit de leur nation, ils la reprirent & la trainerent vers leurs Cabanes, la rebutans comme vn chien, sans luy donner le couuert. Cette miserable se voyant delaissée des siens, exposée à la rigueur du froid, demãda qu'on nous fist appeller; mais cõme il n'y auoit point là de nos François, les Sauuages ne voulurent pas prendre la peine de venir iusques en nostre maison, esloignée d'vne bonne lieuë de leurs Cabanes, si bien que la faim, le froid, la maladie, & les enfans des Sauuages, à ce qu'on dit, la tuerent; nous ne fusmes aduertis de cette histoire tragique que quelques iours apres sa mort: s'il y auoit icy vn Hospital il y auroit tous les malades du [35] pays, & tous les vieillards, pour les hommes nous les secourerons, selon nos forces, mais pour les femmes il ne nous est pas bien seant de les receuoir en nos maisons.

In the morning, Monsieur de Champlain caused a number of the Savages to be called; and, being reproached by him for their cruelty in abandoning this creature, who was of their tribe, they took her and dragged her toward their Cabins, repulsing her as they would a dog, and giving her no covering. This wretched woman, finding herself abandoned by her own people and exposed to the severity of the cold, asked that we should be called. But, as there were no Frenchmen there, the Savages did not care to take the trouble to come all the way to our house, a good league from their Cabins; so that hunger, cold, disease, and the children of the Savages, as it is reported, killed her. We did not hear of this tragedy until some days after her death. If we had a Hospital here, all the sick people of the [35] country, and all the old people, would be there. As to the men, we will take care of them according to our means; but, in regard to the women, it is not becoming for us to receive them into our houses.

144

CHAPITRE III.

DES MOYENS DE CONUERTIR LES SAUUAGES.

LE grand pouuoir que firent paroistre les Portugais au commencement dedans les Indes Orientales & Occidentales, ietta l'admiration bien auant dedans l'esprit des Indiens, si bien que ces peuples embrasserent quasi sans contreditte la creance de ceux qu'ils admiroient. Or voicy à mon aduis les moyens d'acquerir cet ascendant, pardessus nos Sauuages.

CHAPTER III.

ON THE MEANS OF CONVERTING THE SAVAGES.

THE great show of power made at first by the Portuguese in the East and West Indies inspired profound admiration in the minds of the Indians, so that these people embraced, without any contradiction, the belief of those whom they admired. Now the following is, it seems to me, the way in which to acquire an ascendancy over our Savages.

Le premier est d'arrester les courses de ceux qui ruinent la Religion, & de se rendre redoutable aux Hiroquois, qui ont tué de nos hommes, comme chacun sçait, & qui tout fraischement ont massacré deux cent Hurons, & en [36] ont pris plus de cent prisonniers. Voila selon ma pensée la porte vnique, par laquelle nous sortirons du mespris, où la negligence de ceux qui auoient cy-deuant la traicte du pays, nous ont ietté par leur auarice.

First, to check the progress of those who overthrow Religion, and to make ourselves feared by the Iroquois, who have killed some of our men, as every one knows, and who recently massacred two hundred Hurons, and [36] took more than a hundred prisoners. This is, in my opinion, the only door through which we can escape the contempt into which the negligence of those who have heretofore held the trade of this country has thrown us, through their avarice.

Le second moyen de nous rendre recommandables aux Sauuages, pour les induire à receuoir nostre saincte foy, seroit d'enuoyer quelque nombre d'hommes bien entendus à defricher & cultiuer la terre, lesquels se ioignants auec ceux qui sçauroient la langue, trauailleroient pour les Sauuages, à cõdition qu'ils s'arresteroient, & mettroient eux mesmes la main à l'œuure, demeurants dans quelques maisons qu'on leur feroit dresser pour leur vsage, par ce 146 moyen demeurants sedentaires, & voyants ce miracle de charité en leur endroit, on les pourroit instruire & gaigner plus facilement. M'entretenant cét Hyuer auec mes Sauuages, ie leurs communiquois ce dessein, les asseurant que quand ie sçaurois parfaictement leur langue, ie les aiderois à cultiuer la terre, si ie pouuois auoir des hommes, & s'ils se vouloient [37] arrester, leurs representant la misere de leurs courses, qui les touchoit pour lors assez sensiblement. Le Sorcier m'ayant entendu, se tourna vers ses gens, & leur dit, voyez comme cette robe noire ment hardiment en nostre presence; ie luy demandy pourquoy il se figuroit que ie mentois, pource, dit-il, qu'on ne voit point d'hommes au monde si bons comme tu dis, qui voudroient prendre la peine de nous secourir sans espoir de recompense, & d'employer tant d'hommes pour nous aider sans rien prendre de nous; si tu faisois cela, adjousta-il, tu arresterois la pluspart des Sauuages, & ils croiroient tous à tes paroles.

The second means of commending ourselves to the Savages, to induce them to receive our holy faith, would be to send a number of capable men to clear and cultivate the land, who, joining themselves with others who know the language, would work for the Savages, on condition that they would settle down, and themselves put their hands to the work, living in houses that would be built for their use; by this means becoming located, and seeing this miracle of charity in their behalf, they could be more easily instructed and won. While conversing this Winter with my Savages, I communicated to them this plan, assuring them that when I knew their language perfectly, I would help them cultivate the land if I could have some men, and if they wished [37] to stop roving,—representing to them the wretchedness of their present way of living, and influencing them very perceptibly, for the time being. The Sorcerer,14 having heard me, turned toward his people and said, "See how boldly this black robe lies in our presence." I asked him why he thought I was lying. "Because," said he, "we never see in this world men so good as thou sayest, who would take the trouble to help us without hope of reward, and to employ so many men to aid us without taking anything from us; if thou shouldst do that," he added, "thou wouldst secure the greater part of the Savages, and they would all believe in thy words."

Ie m'en rapporte, mais si ie puis tirer quelque conclusion des choses que ie vois, il me semble qu'on ne doit pas esperer grande chose des Sauuages, tant qu'ils seront errants; vous les instruisés auiourd'huy, demain la faim vous enleuera vos auditeurs, les contraignant d'aller chercher leur vie dans les fleuues & dans les bois. L'an passé ie faisois le Catechisme en begaiant à [38] bon nombre d'enfans, les vaisseaux partis, mes oyseaux s'enuolerent qui d'vn costé qui de l'autre, cette année que ie parle vn petit mieux, ie les pensois reuoir, mais s'estans cabanez de là le grand fleuue de S. Laurens, i'ay esté frustré de mon attente. De les vouloir suiure, il faudrait autant de Religieux qu'ils sont de cabanes, encor n'en viendroit 148 on pas à bout; car ils sont tellement occupez à quester leur vie parmy ces bois, qu'ils n'ont pas le loisir de se sauuer, pour ainsi dire. De plus ie ne crois point que de cent Religieux, il y en ait dix qui puissent resister aux trauaux, qu'il faudroit endurer à leur suitte. Ie voulus demeurer auec eux l'Automne dernier, ie n'y fus pas huict iours, qu'vne fieure violente me saisit, & me fist rechercher nostre petite maison, pour y trouuer ma santé: Estant guary ie les ay voulu suiure pendant l'Hiuer, i'ay esté fort malade la pluspart du temps: ces raisons & beaucoup d'autres que ie deduirois, n'estoit que ie crains d'estre lõg, me font croire qu'on trauaillera beaucoup, & qu'on auancera fort peu, si on n'arreste ces Barbares, [39] de leur vouloir persuader de cultiuer d'eux-mesmes sans estre secourus, ie doute fort si on le pourra obtenir de long temps; car ils n'y entendent rien: De plus où retireront ils ce qu'ils pourront recueillir, leurs cabanes n'estants faites que d'escorce, la premiere gelée gastera toutes les racines & les citroüilles qu'ils auroient ramassées. De semer des poids & du bled d'Inde, ils n'ont point de place dans leurs todis; mais qui les nourrira pendant qu'ils cõmanceront à défricher; car ils ne viuent quasi qu'au iour la iournée, n'ayãt pour l'ordinaire au temps qu'il faut défricher aucunes prouisions. En fin quand ils se tueroiẽt de trauailler, ils ne pourroient pas retirer de la terre la moitié de leur vie, iusques à ce qu'elle soit défrichée, & qu'ils soient bien entendus à la faire profiter.

I may be mistaken; but, if I can draw any conclusion from the things I see, it seems to me that not much ought to be hoped for from the Savages as long as they are wanderers; you will instruct them to-day, to-morrow hunger snatches your hearers away, forcing them to go and seek their food in the rivers and woods. Last year I stammered out the Catechism to a [38] goodly number of children; as soon as the ships departed, my birds flew away, some in one direction and some in another. This year, I hoped to see them again, as I speak a little better; but, as they have settled on the other side of the great river St. Lawrence, my hopes have been frustrated. To try to follow them, as many Religious would be needed as there are cabins, and still we would not attain our object; for they are so occupied in seeking their livelihood in these woods, that they have not time, so to speak, to save themselves. Besides, I do not believe that, out of a hundred Religious, there would be ten who could endure the hardships to be encountered in following them. I tried to live among them last Autumn; I was not there a week before I was attacked by a violent fever, which caused me to return to our little house to recover my health. Being cured, I tried to follow them during the Winter, and I was very ill the greater part of the time. These reasons, and many others that I might give, were I not afraid of being tedious, make me think that we shall work a great deal and advance very little, if we do not make these Barbarians stationary. [39] As for persuading them to till the soil of their own accord, without being helped, I very much doubt whether we shall be able to attain this for a long time, for they know nothing whatever about it. Besides, where will they store their harvests? As their cabins are made of bark, the first frost will spoil all the roots and pumpkins that they will have gathered. If they plant peas and Indian corn, they have no place in their huts to store them. But who will feed them while they are beginning to clear the land? For they live only from one day to another, having ordinarily no provisions to sustain them during the time that they must be clearing. Finally, when they had killed themselves with hard work, they could not get from the land half their living, until it was cleared and they understood how to make the best use of it.

Or auec le secours de quelques braues ouuriers de bon trauail, il seroit aisé d'arrester quelques familles, veu que quelques vns m'en ont des-ja parlé, s'accoustumans d'eux mesmes petit à petit à tirer quelque chose de la terre.

Now, with the assistance of a few good, industrious men, it would be easy to locate a few families, especially as some of them have already spoken to me about it, thus of themselves becoming accustomed, little by little, to extract something from the earth.

150 Ie sçay bien qu'il y a des personnes de [40] bon iugement, qui croyent qu'encor que les Sauuages soient errants, que la bonne semence de l'Euangile ne laissera pas de germer & de fructifier en leur ame, quoy que plus lentement, pource qu'on ne les peut instruire que par reprises. Ils se figurẽt encor que s'il passe icy quelques familles comme on a des-ja commencé d'en amener, que les Sauuages, prendrõt exemple sur nos François, & s'arresteront pour cultiuer la terre. Ie fus frappé de ces pensées au commencement que nous vinsmes icy, mais la cõmunicatiõ que i'ay euë auec ces peuples, & les difficultez qu'ont des hõmes habituez dans l'oisiueté, d'embrasser vn fort trauail, comme est la culture de la terre, me fõt croire maintenant que s'ils ne sont secourus, ils perdront cœur, notamment les Sauuages de Tadoussac. Car pour ceux des trois riuieres, où nos François font faire vne nouuelle habitation cette année, ils ont promis qu'ils s'arresteront là & qu'ils semeront du bled d'Inde; ce qui me semble n'est pas tout à faict asseuré, mais probable, pour autant que leurs predecesseurs ont eu autresfois [41] vne bonne bourgade en cet endroict, qu'ils ont quittée pour les inuasions des Hiroquois leurs ennemis.

I know well there are persons of [40] good judgment who believe that, although the Savages are nomadic, the good seed of the Gospel will not fail to take root and bring forth fruit in their souls, although more slowly, as they can only be instructed at intervals. They imagine also that, if a few families come over here, as they are already beginning to do, the Savages will follow the example of our French and will settle down to cultivate the land. I myself was impressed with these ideas, when we first came over here; but the intercourse which I have had with these people, and the difficulty that men accustomed to a life of idleness have in embracing one of hard work, such as cultivating the soil, cause me to believe now that if they are not helped they will lose heart, especially the Savages at Tadoussac. As to those of the three rivers, where our French People are going to plant a new colony this year, they have promised that they will settle down there and plant Indian corn; this seems to me not altogether assured, but probable, inasmuch as their predecessors once had [41] a good village in that place, which they abandoned on account of the invasions of their enemies, the Hiroquois.15

Le Capitaine de ce quartier là, m'a dit que la terre y estoit fort bonne, & qu'ils l'aimoient fort s'ils deuiennent sedentaires, comme ils en ont maintenant la volonté, nous preuoyons lá vne moisson plus feconde des biens du Ciel, que des fruicts de la terre.

The Captain of that region told me that the land there was quite good, and they liked it very much. If they become sedentary, as they are now minded to do, we foresee there a harvest more abundant in the blessings of Heaven than in the fruits of the earth.

Le troisiesme moyen d'estre bienvoulu de ces peuples, seroit de dresser icy vn seminaire de petits garçons, & auec le temps vn de filles, soubs la conduitte de quelque braue maistresse, que le zele de la 152 gloire de Dieu & l'affectiõ au salut de ces peuples, fera passer icy, auec quelques Compagnes animées de pareil courage. Plaise à sa diuine Majesté d'en inspirer quelques vnes, pour vne si noble entreprise, & leur fasse perdre l'apprehension que la foiblesse de leur sexe leur pourroit causer, pour auoir à trauerser tant de mers, & viure parmy des Barbares.

The third means of making ourselves welcome to these people, would be to erect here a seminary for little boys, and in time one for girls, under the direction of some brave mistress, whom zeal for the glory of God, and a desire for the salvation of these people, will bring over here, with a few Companions animated by the same courage. May it please his divine Majesty to inspire some to so noble an enterprise, and to divest them of any fear that the weakness of their sex might induce in them at the thought of crossing so many seas and of living among Barbarians.

A ce dernier voyage des femmes enceintes sont venuës, & ont aisemẽt surmonté ces difficultez, comme auoient [42] faict d'autres auparauant. Il y a aussi du plaisir d'appriuoiser des ames Sauuages, & les cultiuer pour receuoir la semence du Christianisme. Et puis l'experience nous rend certains, que Dieu qui est bon & puissant enuers tous, au respect neantmoins de ceux qui s'exposent genereusemẽt & souffrent volontiers pour son seruice, il a des caresses assaisonnées de tant de suauitez, & les secoure parmy leurs dangers d'vne si prompte & paternelle assistance, que souuent ils ne sentent point leurs trauaux, ains leurs peines leur tournent à plaisir, & leurs perils à consolation singuliere: Mais ie voudrois tenir icy où nous sommes les enfans des Hurons. Le Pere Brebœuf nous faict esperer que nous en pourrons auoir, s'il entre auec nos Peres dans ces pays bien peuplez, & si on trouue dequoy fonder ce seminaire. La raison pourquoy ie ne voudrois pas prẽdre les enfans du pays dans le pays mesme, mais en vn autre endroict, c'est pour autant que ces Barbares ne peuuent supporter qu'on chastie leurs enfants, non pas mesme de paroles, ne pouuans rien refuser à vn [43] enfant qui pleure, si bien qu'à la moindre fantaisie ils nous les enleueroient deuant qu'ils fussent instruicts; mais si on tient icy les petits Hurõs, ou les enfans des peuples plus esloignez, 154 il en arriuera plusieurs biens: car nous ne serõs pas importunés ny destournés des peres en l'instruction des enfants; cela obligera ces peuples à bien traitter, ou du moins à ne faire aucun tort aux François qui seront en leur pays. Et en dernier lieu nous obtiendrons, auec la grace de Dieu nostre Seigneur, la fin pour laquelle nous venons en ce pays si esloigné, sçauoir est la conuersion de ces peuples.

In the last voyage there came some women who were pregnant, and they easily surmounted these difficulties, as others had [42] done before them. There is also some pleasure in taming the souls of the Savages, and preparing them to receive the seed of Christianity. And then experience makes us feel certain that God, who shows his goodness and power to all, has, nevertheless, for those who expose themselves freely and suffer willingly in his service, favors seasoned with so much sweetness, and succors them in the midst of their dangers with so prompt and paternal assistance, that often they do not feel their trials, but their pain is turned to pleasure and their perils to a peculiar consolation. But I would like to keep here, where we are, the children of the Hurons. Father Brebœuf leads us to hope that we shall have some, if he goes with our Fathers into those well-peopled countries, and if there is anything with which to found a seminary. The reason why I would not like to take the children of one locality [and teach them] in that locality itself, but rather in some other place, is because these Barbarians cannot bear to have their children punished, nor even scolded, not being able to refuse anything to a [43] crying child. They carry this to such an extent that upon the slightest pretext they would take them away from us, before they were educated. But if the little Hurons, or the children of more distant tribes, are kept here, a great many advantages will result, for we would not be annoyed and distracted by the fathers while instructing the children; it will also compel these people to show good treatment to the French who are in their country, or at least not to do them any injury. And, lastly, we shall obtain, by the grace of God our Lord, the object for which we came into this distant country; namely, the conversion of these nations.

156

CHAPITRE IV.

DE LA CREANCE, DES SUPERSTITIONS, & DES ERREURS DES SAUUAGES MONTAGNAIS.

I'AY desia mandé, que les Sauuages croyoient qu'vn certain nõmé Atachocam auoit creé le monde, & qu'vn nommé Messou l'auoit reparé. I'ay interrogé là dessus ce fameux Sorcier & ce vieillard, auec lesquelles i'ay passé [44] l'Hyuer, ils m'ont respondu, qu'ils ne sçauoient pas qui estoit le premier Autheur du mõde, que c'estoit peut-estre Atahochã, mais que cela n'estoit pas certain qu'ils ne parloient d'Atahocam, que comme on parle d'vne chose si esloignée, qu'õ n'en peut tirer aucune asseurance, & de fait le mot Nitatahokan en leur lãgue, signifie, ie racõte vne fable, ie dis vn vieux conte fait à plaisir.

CHAPTER IV.

ON THE BELIEF, SUPERSTITIONS, AND ERRORS OF THE MONTAGNAIS SAVAGES.

I HAVE already reported that the Savages believe that a certain one named Atachocam had created the world, and that one named Messou had restored it. 16 I have questioned upon this subject the famous Sorcerer and the old man with whom I passed [44] the Winter; they answered that they did not know who was the first Author of the world,—that it was perhaps Atahocham, but that was not certain; that they only spoke of Atahocam as one speaks of a thing so far distant that nothing sure can be known about it; and, in fact, the word "Nitatahokan" in their language means, "I relate a fable, I am telling an old story invented for amusement."

Pour le Messou, ils tiennent qu'il a reparé le monde qui s'estoit perdu par le deluge d'eau, d'où appert qu'ils ont quelque traditiõ de cette grande inondation vniuerselle qui arriua du temps de Noë, mais ils ont remply cette verité de mille fables impertinentes. Ce Messou allant à la chasse ses loups Ceruiers dont il se seruoit au lieu de chiens, estans entrez dans vn grand lac ils y furent arrestez. Le Messou les cherchant par tout, vn oyseau luy dit qu'il les voyoit au milieu de ce lac, il y entre pour les retirer, mais ce lac venant à se desgorger couurit la terre, & abisma le monde, le Messou bien estõné, enuoya le corbeau chercher vn morceau de terre pour rebastir cet element, 158 mais il [45] n'en peut trouuer, il fist descendre vne Loutre dãs l'abisme des eauës, elle n'en peut rapporter, enfin il enuoya vn rat musqué, qui en rapporta vn petit morceau, duquel se seruit le Messou, pour refaire cette terre où nous sommes, il tira des flesches aux troncs des arbres, lesquelles se conuertirent en brãches, il fist mille autres merueilles, se vengea de ceux qui auoient arresté ses Loups Ceruiers, épousa vne Ratte musquée, de laquelle il eust des enfans qui ont repeuplé le monde, voila cõme le Messou a tout restably. Ie touchay l'an passé cette fable, mais desirant rassembler tout ce que ie scay de leur creance, i'ay vsé de redittes. Nostre Sauuage racõtoit au Pere Brebœuf que ses compatriotes croyent qu'vn certain Sauuage auoit receu du Messou le don d'immortalité dans vn petit pacquet, auec vne grande recommandation de ne la point ouurir, pendãt qu'il le tint fermé il fust immortel, mais sa femme curieuse & incredule, voulut voir ce qu'il y auoit dans ce present, l'ayant deployé, tout s'enuola, & depuis les Sauuages ont esté sujets à la mort.

As to the Messou, they hold that he restored the world, which was destroyed in the flood; whence it appears that they have some tradition of that great universal deluge which happened in the time of Noë, but they have burdened this truth with a great many irrelevant fables. This Messou went to the chase, and his Lynxes, which he used instead of dogs, having gone into a great lake, were held there. The Messou, seeking them everywhere, was told by a bird that it had seen them in the midst of this lake. He went in, to get them out; but the lake overflowed, covering the earth and swallowing up the world. The Messou, very much astonished, sent a raven in search of a little piece of ground, with which to rebuild this element [the earth], but he [45] could not find any; he made an Otter descend into the abyss of waters, but it could not bring back any; at last he sent a muskrat, which brought back a little morsel, and the Messou used this to rebuild this earth which we inhabit. He shot arrows into the trunks of trees, which made themselves into branches; he performed a thousand other wonders, avenged himself upon those who had detained his Lynxes, and married a muskrat, by whom he had children who have repeopled this world. So this is the way in which the Messou restored all things. I touched upon this fable last year, but, desiring to recapitulate all I know about their beliefs, I have repeated many things. Our Savage related to Father Brebœuf that his people believe that a certain Savage had received from Messou the gift of immortality in a little package, with a strict injunction not to open it; while he kept it closed he was immortal, but his wife, being curious and incredulous, wished to see what was inside this present; and having opened it, it all flew away, and since then the Savages have been subject to death.17

[46] Ils disent en outre, que tous les animaux de chaque espece ont vn frere aisné, qui est cõme le principe & cõme l'origine de tous les indiuidus, & ce frere aisné est merueilleusement grand puissãt. L'aisné des Castors, me disoiẽt-ils, est peut-estre aussi gros que nostre Cabane, quoy que ses Cadets (i'entẽds les Castors ordinaires) ne soient pas tout à faict si gros que nos moutons; or ces aisnez de tous les animaux sont les cadets du Messou, le voila bien apparẽté, le braue reparateur de l'Vniuers, est le frere aisné de toutes les bestes. Si quelqu'vn void en dormant l'aisné ou le principe de quelques animaux, il fera 160 bonne chasse, s'il void l'aisné des Castors, il prẽdra des Castors, s'il void l'aisné des Eslans, il prendra des Eslans, iouyssans des cadets par la faueur de leur aisné qu'ils ont veu en songe. Ie leur demanday où estoient ces freres aisnez, nous n'en sommes pas bien asseurez, me disoient-ils, mais nous pensons que les aisnés des oyseaux sont au ciel, & que les aisnez des autres animaux sont dans les eauës. Ils reconnoissent deux principes des saisons, l'vn [47] s'appelle Nipinoukhe, c'est celuy qui ramene le Printemps & l'Esté. Ce nom vient de Nipin, qui en leur langue signifie le Printemps. L'autre s'appelle Pipounoukhe du nom de Pipoun, qui signifie l'Hiuer, aussi rameine il la saison froide. Ie leurs demandois si ce Nipinoukhe & Pipounoukhe estoient hõmes ou animaux de quelque autre espece, & en quel endroict ils demeuroient ordinairement; & ils me respondirent qu'ils ne sçauoient pas bien cõme ils estoient faicts, encor qu'ils fussent biẽ asseurez qu'ils estoiẽt viuants; car ils les entendent, disent-ils, parler ou bruire, notãment à leur venuë, sans pouuoir distinguer ce qu'ils disent; pour leur demeure, ils partagent le mõde entre-eux, l'vn se tenant d'vn costé, l'autre de l'autre, & quand le temps de leur station aux deux bouts du mõde, est expiré l'vn passe en la place de l'autre se succedans mutuellement; Voila en partie la fable de Castor & de Pollux. Quand Nipinoukhe reuient, il ramene auec soy la chaleur, les oyseaux, la verdure, il rend la vie & la beauté au mõde, mais Pipounoukhe rauage tout, [48] estant accompagné de vents froids, de glaces, de neiges, & des autres appanages de l'Hiuer; Ils appellent cette succession de l'vn à l'autre Achitescatoueth, c'est à dire ils passent mutuellement à la place l'vn de l'autre.

[46] They also say that all animals, of every species, have an elder brother, who is, as it were, the source and origin of all individuals, and this elder brother is wonderfully great and powerful. The elder of the Beaver, they tell me, is perhaps as large as our Cabin, although his Junior (I mean the ordinary Beaver) is not quite as large as our sheep. Now these elders of all the animals are the juniors of the Messou. Behold him well related, this worthy restorer of the Universe, he is elder brother to all beasts. If any one, when asleep, sees the elder or progenitor of some animals, he will have a fortunate chase; if he sees the elder of the Beavers, he will take Beavers; if he sees the elder of the Elks, he will take Elks, possessing the juniors through the favor of their senior whom he has seen in the dream. I asked them where these elder brothers were. "We are not sure," they answered me, "but we think the elders of the birds are in the sky, and that the elders of the other animals are in the water." They recognize two progenitors of the seasons; one [47] is called Nipinoukhe, it is this one that brings the Spring and Summer. This name comes from Nipin, which in their language means Springtime. The other is called Pipounoukhe, from the word Pipoun, which means Winter; it therefore brings the cold season. I asked them if this Nipinoukhe and Pipounoukhe were men, or if they were animals of some other species, and in what place they usually dwelt; they replied that they did not know exactly what form they had, but they were quite sure they were living, for they heard them, they said, talking or rustling, especially at their coming, but they could not tell what they were saying. For their dwelling place they share the world between them, the one keeping on one side, the other upon the other; and when the period of their stay at one end of the world has expired, each goes over to the locality of the other, reciprocally succeeding each other. Here we have, in part, the fable of Castor and Pollux. When Nipinoukhe returns, he brings back with him the heat, the birds, the verdure, and restores life and beauty to the world; but Pipounoukhe lays waste everything, [48] being accompanied by the cold winds, ice, snows, and other phenomena of Winter. They call this succession of one to the other Achitescatoueth; meaning that they pass reciprocally to each others' places.

162 De plus, ils croyent qu'il y a certains Genies du jour, ou Genies de l'air, ils les nomment Khichikouai du mot Khichikou, qui veut dire le jour & l'air. Les Genies, ou Khichikouai, connoissent les choses futures, ils voyẽt de fort loing, c'est pourquoy les Sauuages les consultent, non pas tous mais certains iongleurs, qui sçauent mieux bouffonner & amuser ce peuple que les autres. Ie me suis trouué auec eux quand ils consultoient ces beaux Oracles, voicy ce que i'en ay remarqué.

Furthermore, they believe that there are certain Genii of light, or Genii of the air, which they call Khichikouai from the word Khichikou, which means "light" or "the air." The Genii, or Khichikouai, are acquainted with future events, they see very far ahead; this is why the Savages consult them, not all [the savages] but certain jugglers, who know better than the others how to impose upon and amuse these people. I have chanced to be present when they consulted these fine Oracles, and here is what I have observed.

Sur l'entrée de la nuict, deux ou trois jeunes hommes dresserent vn tabernacle au milieu de nostre Cabane, ils plãterent en rond six pieux fort auãt dans terre, & pour les tenir en estat, ils attacherent au haut de ces pieux vn grand cercle, qui les enuironnoit tous; cela fait ils entourerent cet Edifice de Castelognes, laissant le haut du tabernacle [49] ouuuert, c'est tout ce que pourroit faire vn grand homme, d'atteindre de la main au plus haut de cette tour ronde, capable de tenir 5 ou 6 hommes debout. Cette maisõ estãt faite, on esteint entierement les feux de la cabane, iettant dehors les tisons, de peur que la flãme ne donne de l'espouuãte à ces Geniés ou Khichikouai, qui doiuent entrer en ce tabernacle, dans lequel vn ieune iongleur se glissa par le bas, retroussant à cét effect la couuerture qui l'enuirõnoit, puis la rabbattãt quand il fut entré, car il se faut bien donner de garde qu'il n'y ait aucune ouuerture en ce beau palais, sinon par le haut. Le jongleur entré, commença doucement à fremir, comme en se plaignãt, il esbranloit ce tabernacle sans violence au cõmencement, puis s'animant petit à petit, il se mit à siffler d'vne façon sourde, & comme de loin: puis à 164 parler comme dans vne bouteille, à crier comme vn chat-huant de ce pays-cy, qui me semble auoir la voix plus forte que ceux de France, puis à hurler, chanter, variant de tõ à tous coup, finissant par ces syllabes, ho ho, hi hi, gui gui nioué, & autres [50] semblables cõtrefaisant sa voix en sorte qu'il me sembloit oüir ces marionnettes que quelques bateleurs fõt voir en France: Il parloit tãtost Mõtagnais, tantost Algonquain, retenãt tousiours l'accent Algonquain, qui est gay, cõme le Prouençal. Au commencement, cõme i'ay dit, il agitoit doucement cét edifice, mais cõme il s'alloit tousiours animant, il entra dans vn si furieux enthousiasme, que ie croyois qu'il deust tout briser, esbranlant si fortement, & auec de telles violences sa maison, que ie m'estonnois qu'vn homme eust tant de force: car, comme il eut vne fois cõmencé à l'agiter, il ne cessa point que la consulte ne fust faite, qui dura enuiron trois heures: Comme il changeoit de voix, les Sauuages s'escrioient au commencemẽt moa, moa, escoute, escoute: puis inuitãs ces Geniés, ils leurs disoiẽt, Pitoukhecou, PitouKhecou, entrez, entrez. D'autrefois cõme s'ils eussent respondu aux hurlements du jongleur, ils tiroient ceste aspiration du fond de la poitrine, ho, ho. I'estois assis comme les autres regardant ce beau mystere auec defence de parler: mais cõme ie ne leur [51] auois point voüé d'obeïssance, ie ne laissois pas de dire vn petit mot à la trauerse: tantost ie les priois d'auoir pitié de ce pauure jongleur, qui se tuoit dans ce tabernacle: d'autrefois ie leur disois qu'ils criassent plus haut & que leurs Geniés estoient endormis.

Towards nightfall, two or three young men erected a tent in the middle of our Cabin; they stuck six poles deep into the ground in the form of a circle, and to hold them in place they fastened to the tops of these poles a large ring, which completely encircled them; this done, they enclosed this Edifice with Castelognes,18 leaving the top of the tent [49] open; it is all that a tall man can do to reach to the top of this round tower, capable of holding 5 or 6 men standing upright. This house made, the fires of the cabin are entirely extinguished, and the brands thrown outside, lest the flame frighten away the Genii or Khichikouai, who are to enter this tent; a young juggler slipped in from below, turning back, for this purpose, the covering which enveloped it, then replaced it when he had entered, for they must be very careful that there be no opening in this fine palace except from above. The juggler, having entered, began to moan softly, as if complaining; he shook the tent at first without violence; then becoming animated little by little, he commenced to whistle, in a hollow tone, and as if it came from afar; then to talk as if in a bottle; to cry like the owls of these countries, which it seems to me have stronger voices than those of France; then to howl and sing, constantly varying the tones; ending by these syllables, ho ho, hi hi, gui gui, nioué, and other [50] similar sounds, disguising his voice so that it seemed to me I heard those puppets which showmen exhibit in France. Sometimes he spoke Montagnais, sometimes Algonquain, retaining always the Algonquain intonation, which, like the Provençal, is vivacious. At first, as I have said, he shook this edifice gently; but, as he continued to become more animated, he fell into so violent an ecstasy, that I thought he would break everything to pieces, shaking his house with so much force and violence, that I was astonished at a man having so much strength; for, after he had once begun to shake it, he did not stop until the consultation was over, which lasted about three hours. Whenever he would change his voice, the Savages would at first cry out, moa, moa, "listen, listen;" then, as an invitation to these Genii, they said to them, Pitoukhecou, Pitoukhecou, "enter, enter." At other times, as if they were replying to the howls of the juggler, they drew this aspiration from the depths of their chests, ho, ho. I was seated like the others, looking on at this wonderful mystery, forbidden to speak; but as I [51] had not vowed obedience to them, I did not fail to intrude a little word into the proceedings. Sometimes I begged them to have pity on this poor juggler, who was killing himself in this tent; at other times I told them they should cry louder, for the Genii had gone to sleep.

Quelques vns de ces Barbares s'imaginẽt que ce jongleur n'est point là dedans, qu'ils est transporté 166 sans sçauoir ny ou, ny cõment. D'autres disent que son corps est couché par terre, que son ame est au haut de ce tabernacle, où elle parle au commencement, appellant ces Geniés, & iettant par fois des estincelles de feu. Or pour retourner à nostre consultation, les Sauuages, ayant ouy certaine voix que contrefit le jongleur, pousserẽt vn cris d'allegresse, disants qu'vn de ces Geniés estoit entré: Puis s'addressants à luy, s'escrioient, Tepouachi, tepouachi, appelle, appelle; sçauoir est tes compagnõs; là dessus le jongleur faisant du Geniés, changeant de ton & de voix les appelloit: cependant nostre sorcier qui estoit presẽt prit son tambour, & chantant auec le iongleur qui estoit dans le tabernacle, les autres [52] respondoient: On fit dancer quelques ieunes gens, entr'autres l'Apostat qui n'y vouloit point entendre, mais le sorcier le fit bien obeïr.

Some of these Barbarians imagined that this juggler was not inside, that he had been carried away, without knowing where or how. Others said that his body was lying on the ground, and that his soul was up above the tent, where it spoke at first, calling these Genii, and throwing from time to time sparks of fire. Now to return to our consultation. The Savages having heard a certain voice that the juggler counterfeited, uttered a cry of joy, saying that one of these Genii had entered; then addressing themselves to him, they cried out, Tepouachi, tepouachi, "call, call;" that is, "call thy companions." Thereupon the juggler, pretending to be one of the Genii and changing his tone and his voice, called them. In the meantime our sorcerer, who was present, took his drum, and began to sing with the juggler who was in the tent, and the others [52] answered. Some of the young men were made to dance, among others the Apostate,12 who did not wish to hear of it, but the sorcerer made him obey.

En fin apres mille cris & hurlements, apres mille chants, aprés auoir dancé & bien esbranlé ce bel edifice, les Sauuages croyãs que les Geniés ou Kichikouai estoient entrez, le sorcier les consulta: il leur demanda de sa santé (car il est malade) de celle de sa fẽme qui l'estoit aussi. Ces Geniés, ou plustost le jongleur qui les contrefaisoit, respondit que pour sa fẽme elle estoit desia morte que c'en estoit fait, i'en eusse bien dit autant que luy, car il ne falloit estre ny prophete, ny sorcier pour deuiner cela; d'autãt que la pauure creature auoit la mort entre les dents: pour le sorcier, ils dirẽt qu'il verroit le Printemps. Or cognoissãt sa maladie, qui est vne douleur de reins, ou pour mieux dire, vn appanage de ses lubricitez & paillardises, car il est sale au dernier poinct, ie luy dis voyant qu'il estoit sain d'ailleurs, & qu'il 168 beuuoit & mangeoit fort biẽ, que non seulement il verroit le printemps, mais encore l'Esté, si quelque autre accident [53] ne luy suruenoit, ie ne me suis pas trompé.

At last, after a thousand cries and howls, after a thousand songs, after having danced and thoroughly shaken this fine edifice, the Savages believing that the Genii or Kichikouai had entered, the sorcerer consulted them. He asked them about his health, (for he is sick), and about that of his wife, who was also sick. These Genii, or rather the juggler who counterfeited them, answered that, as to his wife, she was already dead, that it was all over with her. I could have said as much myself, for one needed not to be a prophet or a sorcerer to guess that, inasmuch as the poor creature was already struck with death; in regard to the sorcerer, they said that he would see the Spring. Now, knowing his disease,—which was a pain in the loins, or rather an infirmity resulting from his licentiousness and excesses, for he is vile to the last degree,—I said to him, seeing that he was otherwise healthy, and that he drank and ate very heartily, that he would not only see the spring but also the Summer, if some other accident [53] did not overtake him, and I was not mistaken.

Apres ces interogations, on demanda à ces beaux oracles s'il y auroit bien tost de la neige, s'il y en auroit beaucoup, s'il y auroit des Eslans ou Orignaux, & en quel endroict ils estoient, ils repartirent ou plutost le iongleur, contrefaisant tousiours sa voix, qu'ils voyoient peu de neige & des orignaux fort loing, sans determiner le lieu, ayãt bien cette prudence de ne se point engager.

After these interrogations, these fine oracles were asked if there would soon be snow, if there would be much of it, if there would be Elks or Moose, and where they could be found. They answered, or rather the juggler, always disguising his voice, that they saw a little snow and some moose far away, without indicating the place, having the prudence not to commit themselves.

Voila comme se passa cette consulte, apres laquelle se voulut arrester le iongleur: mais comme il estoit nuict, il sortit de son tabernacle, & de nostre cabane si vistement, qu'il fust dehors auant quasi que ie m'en apperçeusse. Luy & tous les autres Sauuages qui estoient venus des autres Cabanes à ces beaux mysteres, estans partis, ie demanday à l'Apostat, s'il estoit si simple de croire que ces Geniés entrassent & parlassent dans ce tabernacle, il se mit à iurer sa foy, qu'il a perduë & reniée, que ce n'estoit point le iongleur qu'il parloit, ains ces Khichikouai ou Genies [54] du iour, & mon hoste me dit, entre toy mesme dans le tabernacle, & tu verras que ton corps demeurera en bas, & ton ame montera en hault: I'y voulu entrer, mais comme i'estois seul de mõ party, ie preueu qu'ils m'auroient faict quelque affront, & comme il n'y auoit point de tesmoins, ils se seroient vantez, que i'aurais recogneu & admiré la verité de leurs mysteres.

So this is what took place in this consultation, after which I wished to get hold of the juggler; but, as it was night, he made his exit from the tent and from our little cabin so swiftly, that he was outside almost before I was aware of it. He and all the other Savages, who had come from the other Cabins to these beautiful mysteries, having departed, I asked the Apostate if he was so simple as to believe that the Genii entered and spoke in this tent. He began to swear his belief, which he had lost and denied, that it was not the juggler who spoke, but these Khichikouai or Genii [54] of the air, and my host said to me, "Enter thou thyself into the tent, and thou wilt see that thy body will remain below, and thy soul will mount on high." I did want to go in; but, as I was the only one of my party, I foresaw that they might commit some outrage upon me, and, as there were no witnesses there, they would boast that I had recognized and admired the truth of their mysteries.

Or j'auois grande enuie de sçauoir de quelle nature ils faisoient ces Geniés, l'Apostat n'en sçauoit rien. 170Le sorcier voyant que i'esuantois ses mines, & que i'improuuois ses niaiseries, ne me le vouloit point enseigner, si bien qu'il fallut que ie me seruisse d'industrie: Ie laissay escouler quelques sepmaines, puis le jettant sur ce discours, ie luy parlois comme admirant sa doctrine, luy disant qu'il auoit tort de m'esconduire, puisque à toutes les questions qu'il me faisoit de nostre croyance, ie luy respõdois ingenument, sans me faire tirer l'oreille: En fin il se laissa gagner à ses propres loüanges, & me descouurit les secrets de l'escole: voicy la fable qu'il me raconta, touchant la nature [55] & l'essence de ces Geniés.

Now I had a great desire to know the nature of these Genii; the Apostate knew nothing about them. The sorcerer, seeing that I was discovering his mines, and that I disapproved of his nonsense, did not wish to explain anything to me, so that I was compelled to make use of my wits. I allowed a few weeks to pass; then, springing this subject upon him, I spoke as if I admired his doctrine, saying to him that it was wrong to refuse me, since to all the questions which he asked me in regard to our belief, I answered him frankly and without showing any reluctance. At last he allowed himself to be won over by this flattery, and revealed to me the secrets of the school. Here is the fable which he recounted to me touching the nature [55] and the character of these Genii.

Deux Sauuages consultans ces Geniés en mesme temps, mais en deux diuers tabernacles, l'vn d'eux, homme tres-meschant, qui auoit tué trois hõmes à coup de haches par trahison, fust mis à mort par les Geniés, lesquels se transportans dans le tabernacle de l'autre Sauuage pour luy oster la vie, aussi bien qu'à son compagnon, ils se trouuerent eux mesmes surpris; car ce iongleur se defendit si bien, qu'il tua l'vn de ces Khichikouai, ou Geniés, & ainsi l'on a sçeu comme ils estoient faicts, car ce Geniés demeura sur la place. Ie luy demanday donc de quelle forme il estoit, il estoit gros comme le poing, me fit-il, son corps est de pierre, & vn peu long; Ie conceu qu'il estoit faict en cone, gros par vn bout, s'allant tousiours appetissant vers l'autre. Ils croiẽt que dans ce corps de pierre il y a de la chair & du sang, car la hache dont ce Genié fust tué resta ensanglantée. Ie m'enquestay s'ils auoient des pieds & des ailes, & m'ayant dict que non, & comment donc, leur fis-ie, peuuent ils entrer ou voler dans ces tabernacles, [56] s'ils n'ont ny pieds ny aisles, le sorcier 172 se mit à rire, disant pour solution, en verité ceste robe noire n'a point d'esprit, voila comme ils me payent quand ie leurs fais quelque obiectiõ à laquelle ils ne peuuent respondre.

Two Savages having consulted these Genii at the same time, but in two different tents, one of them, a very wicked man who had treacherously killed three men with his hatchet, was put to death by the Genii, who, crossing over into the tent of the other Savage to take his life, as well as that of his companion, were themselves surprised; for this juggler defended himself so well that he killed one of these Khichikouai or Genii; and thus it was found out how they were made, for this One remained in the place where he was killed. Then I asked him what was his form. "He was as large as the fist," he replied; "his body was of stone, and rather long." I judged that he was cone-shaped, large at one end, and gradually becoming smaller towards the other. They believe that in this stone body there is flesh and blood, for the hatchet with which this Spirit was killed was bloody. I inquired if they had feet and wings, and was told they had not. "Then how," said I, "can they enter or fly into these tents, [56] if they have neither feet nor wings?" The sorcerer began to laugh, saying in explanation, "In truth, this black robe has no sense." This is the way they pay me back when I offer some objections to something which they cannot answer.

Comme ils faisoient grand cas du feu que iettoit ce iongleur hors de son tabernacle, ie leur dis, nos François en ietteroient mieux que luy, car il ne faisoit voler que des estincelles de quelque bois pourry qu'il porte auec soy, comme ie me persuade, & si i'eusse eu de la resine, ie leur eusse faict sortir des flammes. Ils me contestoient qu'il estoit entré sans feu dans cette maison, mais de bonne fortune, ie luy auois veu donner vn gros charbon ardant qu'il demanda pour petuner.

As they made a great deal of the fire which this juggler threw out of his tent, I told them that our Frenchmen could throw it better than he could; for he only made a few sparks fly from some rotten wood which he carried with him, as I am inclined to think, and if I had had some resin I could have made the flames rise for them. They insisted that he entered this house without fire; but I had happened to see some one give him a red-hot coal which he asked to light his pipe.

Voila leur creance touchant les principes des choses bonnes: Ce qui m'estonne, c'est leurs ingratitudes, car quoy qu'ils croyent que le Messou a reparé le monde, que Nipinoukhé & PipounouKhe rameinent les saisons, que leur KhichiKouai leurs apprẽnent où il y a des Eslans, ou Orignaux, & leurs rendent milles autres bõs offices: si est ce que ie n'ay peu iusques icy recognoistre [57] qu'ils leur rendent aucun honneur: i'ay seulement remarqué que dans leurs festins, ils iettent par fois quelques cuillerées de gresse dãs le feu, prononcant ces parolles Papeouekou, PapeoueKou, faites nous trouuer à manger, faites nous trouuer à manger: ie crois que cette priere s'addresse à ces Genies, ausquels ils presentent cette gresse comme la chose la meilleure qu'ils ayent au monde.

So that is their belief touching the foundations of things good. What astonishes me is their ingratitude; for, although they believe that the Messou has restored the world, that Nipinoukhé and Pipounoukhe bring the seasons, that their Khichikouai teach them where to find Elks or Moose, and render them a thousand other good offices,—yet up to the present I have not been able to learn [57] that they render them the slightest honor. I have only observed that, in their feasts, they occasionally throw a few spoonfuls of grease into the fire, pronouncing these words: Papeouekou, Papeouekou; "Make us find something to eat, make us find something to eat." I believe this prayer is addressed to these Genii, to whom they present this grease as the best thing they have in the world.

Outre ces principes des choses bonnes, ils recognoissent vn Manitou, que nous pouuons appeller le diable, ils le tiennent comme le principe des choses mauuaises, il est vray qu'ils n'attribuent pas grande 174malice au Manitou, mais à sa femme, qui est vne vraye diablesse: le mary ne hait point les hommes, il se trouue seulement aux guerres, & aux combats, & ceux qu'il regarde sont à couuert, les autres sont tués: voila pourquoy mon hoste me disoit, qu'il prioit tous les iours ce Manitou de ne point ietter les yeux sur les Hiroquois leurs ennemis, & de leur en donner tousiours quelqu'vn en leurs guerres. Pour la femme du Manitou, elle est [58] cause de toutes les maladies qui sont au mõde, c'est elle qui tuë les hommes, autrement ils ne mouroient pas, elle se repaist de leur chair, les rongeant interieurement, ce qui faict qu'on les voit amaigrir en leurs maladies: elle a vne robe des plus beaux cheueux des hommes & des femmes qu'elle tuë, elle paroist quelquefois comme vn feu, on l'entend bien bruire comme vne flamme, mais on ne sçauroit distinguer son langage: d'icy procedent à mon aduis ces cris & ces hurlemens, & ces batements de tambours qu'ils font alentour de leurs malades, voulans comme empescher cette diablesse de venir dõner le coup de la mort: ce qu'elle faict si subtilement, qu'on ne s'en peut defendre, car on ne la voit pas.

Besides these foundations of things good, they recognize a Manitou, whom we may call the devil. They regard him as the origin of evil; it is true that they do not attribute great malice to the Manitou, but to his wife, who is a real she-devil. The husband does not hate men. He is only present in wars and combats, and those whom he looks upon are protected, the others are killed. So for this reason, my host told me that he prayed this Manitou every day not to cast his eyes upon the Hiroquois, their enemies, and to always give them some of them in their wars. As to the wife of the Manitou, she is [58] the cause of all the diseases which are in the world. It is she who kills men, otherwise they would not die; she feeds upon their flesh, gnawing them upon the inside, which causes them to become emaciated in their illnesses. She has a robe made of the most beautiful hair of the men and women whom she has killed; she sometimes appears like a fire; she can be heard roaring like a flame, but her language cannot be understood. From this, in my opinion, come those cries and howls, and those beatings of the drum which they make around their sick, as if to prevent this she-devil from giving the deathblow, which she does so secretly that no one can defend himself therefrom, for he does not see her.

Deplus, les Sauuages se persuadent que non seulement les hommes & les autres animaux: mais aussi que toutes les autres choses sont animées, & que toutes les ames sont immortelles, ils se figurent les ames comme vn ombre de la chose animée, n'ayans iamais ouy parler d'vne chose purement spirituelle, ils se representent l'ame de l'hõme, [59] comme vne image sombre & noire, où comme vne ombre de l'homme mesme, luy attribuant des pieds, des mains, vne bouche, vne teste, & toutes les autres parties du corps 176 humain. Voila pourquoy ils disent que les ames boiuent & mangent, aussi leurs dõnent-ils à manger quand quelqu'vn meurt, iettant la meilleure viãde qu'ils ayent dãs le feu, & souuẽt ils m'ont dit qu'ils auoient trouué le matin de la viande rongée la nuict par les ames. Or m'ayans declaré ce bel article de leur croyance, ie leurs fis plusieurs interogations. Premierement, ou alloient ces ames apres la mort de l'homme, & des autres creatures; elles vont, dirent ils, fort loin, en vn grãd village situé où le Soleil se couche: Tout vostre pays, leur dis-je (sçauoir est l'Amerique) est vne grande Isle, comme vous tesmoignez l'auoir appris: comment est ce que les ames des hommes, des animaux, des haches, des cousteaux, des chaudieres; bref les ames de tout ce qui meurt, ou qui s'vse, peuuent passer l'eau pour s'en aller à ce grand village que vous placez où le soleil se couche, trouuent [60] elles des vaisseaux tous prests pour s'embarquer & trauerser les eaux? non pas, mais elle vont à pied, me dirent-ils, passants les eaux à gay en quelque endroict: & le moyen, leur fis-ie, de passer à gay le grand Ocean que vous sçauez estre si profond, car c'est cette grãde mer qui enuironne vostre pays, tu te trompe, respondent-ils, où les terres sont conjointes en quelque endroict, ou bien il y a quelque passage guayable par où passent nos ames: & de faict nous apprenons que l'on n'a peu encore passer du costé du Nord, c'est à cause (leur repartis-ie) des grãds froids qui sont en ces mers, que si vos ames prẽnent cette route elles seront glacées & toutes roides de froid, deuant qu'elles arriuent en leurs villages.

Furthermore, the Savages persuade themselves that not only men and other animals, but also all other things, are endowed with souls, and that all the souls are immortal;17 they imagine the souls as shadows of the animate objects; never having heard of anything purely spiritual, they represent the soul of man [59] as a dark and sombre image, or as a shadow of the man himself, attributing to it feet, hands, a mouth, a head, and all the other parts of the human body. Hence this is the reason that they say the souls drink and eat, and therefore they give them food when any one dies, throwing the best meat they have into the fire; and they have often told me that the next morning they find meat which has been gnawed during the night by the souls. Now, having declared to me this fine article of their faith, I propound to them several questions. "First, where do these souls go, after the death of man and other creatures?" "They go," they say, "very far away, to a large village situated where the Sun sets." "All your country," I say to them (meaning America), "is an immense Island, as you seem to know; how is it that the souls of men, of animals, of hatchets, of knives, of kettles,—in short, the souls of all things that die or that are used, can cross the water to go to this great village that you place where the sun sets? do they [60] find ships all ready to embark them and take them over the water?" "No, they go on foot," they answer me, "fording the water in some places." "And how," I respond; "can they ford the great Ocean which you know is so deep, for it is this great sea which surrounds your country?" "Thou art mistaken," they answer; "either the lands are united in some places, or there is some passage which is fordable over which our souls pass; and, indeed, we know that no one has yet been able to pass beyond the North coast." "It is because (I answer them) of the great cold in those seas, so that if your souls take this route they will be frozen and all stiff from cold, before they reach their villages."

Secondement ie leur demande, que mangeoient ces 178 pauures ames, faisant vn si long chemin, elles mangent des escorces, dirent-ils, & du vieux bois qu'elles trouuent dans les forests, ie ne m'estonne pas, leur respõdis-je, si vous auez si peur de la mort, & si vous la fuiez tant, il n'y a guere de plaisir d'aller manger du vieux bois & des escorces en l'autre vie.

Secondly, I ask them, "What do these poor souls eat, making so long a journey?" "They eat bark," they said, "and old wood which they find in the forests." "I am not astonished," I replied, "that you are so afraid of death, that you shun it so greatly; there is hardly any pleasure in going and eating old wood and bark in another life."

[61] Tiercement. Que font ces ames estant arriuées au lieu de leur demeure? pendant le iour elles sont assises tenans leur deux coudes sur leur deux genoux, & leur testes entre leur deux mains, posture assés ordinaire aux Sauuages malades: pendant la nuict elles vont & viennent, elles trauaillent, elles vont à la chasse, ouy mais, repartis-ie, elles ne voient goutte la nuict, tu es vn ignorant, tu n'as point d'esprit, me firent ils, les ames ne sont pas comme nous, elles ne voyent goutte pendant le iour, & voyent fort clair pendant la nuict, leur iour est dans les tenebres de la nuict, & leur nuict dans la clarte du iour.

[61] Thirdly: "What do these souls do when they arrive at their dwelling place?" "During the daytime, they are seated with their two elbows upon their two knees, and their heads between their two hands, the usual position of sick Savages; during the night, they go and come, they work, they go to the chase." "Oh, but they cannot see at all during the night," I rejoined. "Thou art an ignoramus, thou hast no sense," they answered; "souls are not like us, they do not see at all during the day, and see very clearly at night; their day is in the darkness of the night, and their night in the light of the day."

En quatriesme lieu, à quoy chassent ces pauures ames pendant la nuict? elles chassent aux ames des Castors, des Porcs epics, des Eslans, & des autres animaux, se seruãs de l'ame des raquettes, pour marcher sur l'ame de la neige, qui est en ce pays là: bref elles se seruent des ames de toutes choses, comme nous nous seruõs icy des choses mesmes. Or quant elles ont tué l'ame d'vn Castor, ou d'vn autre animal, ceste ame meurt elle tout a faict, ou bien a elle vne autre ame qui s'en aille en quelque [62] autre village? Mon sorcier demeura court à cette demande; & cõme il a de l'esprit, voyant qu'il s'alloit enferrer s'il me respõdoit directemẽt, il esquiua le 180coup: car s'il m'eut dit que l'ame mouroit entierrement, ie luy aurois dit que quand on tuoit premierement l'animal, son ame mouroit à mesme temps: s'il m'eust dit que ceste ame auoit vne ame qui s'en alloit en vn autre village, ie luy eusse fait voir que chaque animal auroit selon sa doctrine plus de vingt, voire plus de cent ames, & que le mõde deuoit estre remply de ces villages où elles se retirent, & que cepẽdãt on n'en voyoit aucun. Cognoissant dõc qu'il s'alloit engager, il me dit, tais toy, tu n'as point d'esprit, tu demande des choses que tu ne sçais pas toy-mesme, si i'auois esté en ces pays-là, ie te respondrois.

"In the fourth place, what are these poor souls hunting during the night?" "They hunt for the souls of Beavers, Porcupines, Moose, and other animals, using the soul of the snowshoes to walk upon the soul of the snow, which is in yonder country; in short, they make use of the souls of all things, as we here use the things themselves." "Now, when they have killed the soul of a Beaver, or of another animal, does that soul die entirely, or has it another soul which goes to some [62] other village?" My sorcerer was nonplused by this question; and as he is quick-witted, he dodged the question, seeing that he was going to involve himself if he answered me directly; for if he had answered me that the soul would die entirely, I would have told him that when they first killed the animal its soul would have died at the same time; if he had answered that this soul had a soul which went away into another village, I would have shown him that every animal would have, according to his doctrine, more than twenty, indeed more than a hundred souls, and that the world would have to be full of these villages to which they withdrew, and yet no one had ever seen one of them. Recognizing that he was about to entangle himself, he said to me, "Be silent, thou hast no sense; thou askest things which thou dost not know thyself; if I had ever been in yonder country, I would answer thee."

En fin ie luy dis que les Europeans nauigeoient par tout le monde, ie leur declaray, & leur fis voir par vne figure ronde, quel estoit le pays où le soleil se couche à leur regard, l'asseurant qu'on n'auoit point trouué ce grand village, que tout cela n'étoit que resueries, que les ames des hommes seulement estoiẽt [63] immortelles, & que si elles estoient bõnes, elles s'en alloient au ciel, que si elles estoient meschantes, elles descendoient dans les enfers pour y estre brulées à iamais, & que chacun receuroit selon ses œuures. En cela, dit-il, vous mentez vous autres, d'assigner diuers endroicts pour les ames, elles vont en vn mesme pays, du moins les nostres: car deux ames de nos cõpatriotes sont reuenuë autresfois de ce grand village, & no^9 ont appris tout ce que ie t'ay dit, puis elles s'en retournerent en leur demeure: ils appellent la voye lactée, Tchipaï mesKenau, le chemin des ames, pource qu'ils pensent que les ames se guindent par cette voye pour aller en ce grand village.

At last, I told them that the Europeans navigated the whole world. I explained to them and made them see by a round figure what country it was where the sun sets according to their idea, assuring them that no one had ever found this great village, that all that was nothing but nonsense; that the souls of men alone were [63] immortal; and, that if they were good, they would go to heaven, and if they were bad they would descend into hell, there to burn forever; and that each one would receive according to his works. "In that," he said, "you lie, you people, in assigning different places for souls,—they go to the same country, at least, ours do; for the souls of two of our countrymen once returned from this great village, and explained to us all that I have told thee, then they returned to their dwelling place." They call the milky way, Tchipaï meskenau, the path of souls, because they think that the souls raise themselves through this way in going to that great village.

Ils ont en outre vne grande croyãce à leurs songes, 182 s'imaginans que ce qu'ils ont veu en dormant doit arriuer, & qu'ils doiuent executer ce qu'ils ont resué: ce qui est vn grand malheur, car si vn Sauuage songe qu'il mourra s'il ne me tuë, il me mettra à mort à la premiere rencontre à l'escart. Nos Sauuages me demandoiẽt quasi tous les matins, n'as-tu point veu de Castors, ou d'Orignac [64] en dormant: & cõme ils voyoiẽt que ie me mocquois des songes, ils s'estonnoient, & me demandoient à quoy crois-tu donc, si tu ne crois a tes songes? ie crois en celuy qui a tout fait, & qui peut tout; tu n'as point d'esprit, comment peus-tu croire en luy, si tu ne le vois pas? Ie serois trop long de rapporter toutes les badineries sur ces sujects, reuenons à leurs superstitions qui sont sans nombre.

They have, besides, great faith in their dreams, imagining that what they have seen in their sleep must happen, and that they must execute whatever they have thus imagined. This is a great misfortune, for if a Savage dreams that he will die if he does not kill me, he will take my life the first time he meets me alone. Our Savages ask almost every morning, "Hast thou not seen any Beavers or Moose, [64] while sleeping?" And when they see that I make sport of their dreams, they are astonished and ask me, "What does thou believe then, if thou dost not believe in thy dream?" "I believe in him who has made all things, and who can do all things." "Thou hast no sense, how canst thou believe in him, if thou hast not seen him?" It would take too long to relate all their silly ideas upon these subjects; let us return to their superstitions, which are numberless.

Les Sauuages sont grands chanteurs, ils chantent comme la pluspart des nations de la terre par recreation, & par deuotion; c'est à dire en eux par superstition: Les airs qu'ils chantent par plaisir sont ordinairement graues & pesants, il me semble qu'ils ont par fois quelque chose de gay, notamment les filles: mais pour la pluspart, leurs chansons sont massiues, pour ainsi dire, sombres, & malplaisantes: ils ne sçauent que c'est d'assembler des accorts pour composer vne douce harmonie. Ils proferent peu de paroles en chantant, variants les tons, & non la lettre. I'ay souuent ouy mon Sauuage faire vne longue chanson de ces trois mots Kaie, nir, khigatoutaouim, [65] & tu feras aussi quelque chose pour moy: Ils disent que nous imitons les gazoüillis des oyseaux en nos airs, ce qu'ils n'improuuent pas, prenans plaisir quasi tous tant qu'ils sont à chanter, ou à ouïr chanter, & quoy 184que ie leur die que ie n'y entendois rien, ils m'inuitoient souuent à entonner quelque air, ou quelque priere.

The Savages are great singers: they sing, as do most of the nations of the earth, for recreation and for devotion, which, with them, means superstition. The tunes which they sing for pleasure are usually grave and heavy. It seems to me that occasionally they sing something gay, especially the girls, but for the most part, their songs are heavy, so to speak, sombre and unpleasant; they do not know what it is to combine chords to compose a sweet harmony. They use few words in singing, varying the tones, and not the words. I have often heard my Savage make a long song with these three words, Kaie, nir, khigatoutaouim, [65] "And thou wilt also do something for me." They say that we imitate the warbling of birds in our tunes, which they do not disapprove, as they nearly all take pleasure both in singing and in hearing others sing: and although I told them that I did not understand anything about it, they often invited me to sing some song or prayer.

Pour leurs chãts superstitieux, ils s'en seruent en mille actions, le sorcier & ce viellard, dont i'ay parlé, m'en donnerent la raison: deux Sauuages, disoient ils, estans jadis fort desolés, se voyans à deux doigts de la mort faute de viure, furent aduertis de chanter, & qu'ils seroient secourus; ce qui arriua, car ayans chanté, ils trouuerent à manger: de dire qui leur donna cest aduis, & comment, ils n'en sçauent rien: quoy que s'en soit, depuis ce temps là toute leur religion consiste quasi à chanter, se seruans des mots les plus barbares qu'ils peuuent rencontrer: Voicy vne partie des paroles qu'ils chanterent en vne longue superstition qui dura plus de quatre heures, Aiasé manitou, aiasé manitou, aiasé manitou, ahiham, hehinham, [67 i.e., 66] hanhan, heninakhé hosé heninaKhé, enigouano bahano anihé ouibini naninaouai nanahouai nanahouai aouihé ahahé aouihé: Pour conclusion, ho! ho! ho! Ie demanday que vouloient dire ces parolles, pas vn ne m'en peut donner l'interpretation: car il est vray que pas vn d'eux n'entend ce qu'il chante, sinon dans leurs airs, qu'ils chantent pour se recréer.

As for their superstitious songs, they use them for a thousand purposes, for which the sorcerer and that old man, of whom I have spoken, have given me the reason. Two Savages, they told me, being once in great distress, seeing themselves within two finger-lengths of death for want of food, were advised to sing, and they would be relieved; and so it happened, for when they had sung, they found something to eat. As to who gave them this advice, and how it was given, they know nothing; however, since that time all their religion consists mainly in singing, using the most barbarous words that come into their minds. The following are some of the words that they sang in a long superstitious rite which lasted more than four hours: Aiasé manitou, aisé manitou, aiasé manitou, ahiham, hehinham, [67 i.e., 66] hanhan, heninakhé hosé heninakhé, enigouano bahano anihé ouibini naninaouai nanahouai nanahouai aouihé ahahé aouihé; concluding with ho! ho! ho! I asked what these words meant, but not one could interpret them to me; for it is true that not one of them understands what he is singing, except in the tunes which they sing for recreation.

Ils joignent leurs tambours à leurs chants, ie demanday l'origine de ce tambour, le veillard me dit, que peut estre quelqu'vn auoit eu en songe qu'il estoit bon de s'en seruir, & que de là l'vsage s'en estoit ensuiuy. Ie croirois plustost qu'ils auroient tiré cette superstition des peuples voisins, car on me dit (ie ne sçay s'il est vraiy) qu'ils imitent fort les Canadiens qui habitent vers Gaspé, peuple encore plus superstitieux que celuy-cy.

They accompany their songs with drums. I asked the origin of this drum, and the old man told me that perhaps some one had dreamed that it was a good thing to have, and thus it had come into use. I thought it most probable they had derived this superstition from the neighboring tribes; for I am told (I do not know how true it is) they imitate to a great degree the Canadians who live toward Gaspé, a tribe still more superstitious than those of this country.

Au reste, ce tambour est de la grandeur d'vn tambour 186 de basque, il est composé d'vn cercle large de trois ou quatres doigts, & de deux peaux roidement estenduës de part & d'autre: ils mettent dedans des petites pierres ou [68 i.e., 67] petits callious pour faire plus de bruit: le diametre des plus grands tambours est de deux palmes ou enuiron, ils le nomment chichigouan, & le verbe nipigahiman, signifie ie fais ioüer ce tambour: ils ne se battent pas comme font nos Europeans: mais ils le tournent & remuent, pour faire bruire les caillous qui sont dedans, ils en frappent le terre, tantost du bord, tantost quasi du plat, pendant que le sorcier fait mille singeries auec cest instrument. Souuent les assistans ont des batons en mains, frappant tous ensemble sur des bois, ou manches de haches qu'ils ont deuant eux, ou sur leurs ouragans, c'est à dire, sur leurs plats d'escorce renuersés: Auec ces tintamarres, ils ioignent leurs chants & leurs cris, ie dirois volontiers leurs hurlements, tant ils s'efforcent par fois, ie vous laisse à penser la belle musique: ce miserable sorcier auec lequel mon hoste, & le renegat, m'ont fait hiuerner contre leurs promesses, m'a pensé faire perdre la teste auec ses tintamarres: car tous les iours à l'entrée de la nuict, & bien souuent sur la minuict, d'autrefois [68] sur le iour il faisoit l'enragé. I'ay esté vn assez long temps malade parmy eux, mais quoy que ie le priasse de se moderer, de me donner vn peu de repos, il en faisoit encore pis, esperant trouuer sa guerison dans ces bruits qui augmentoient mon mal.

As to this drum, it is the size of a tambourine, and is composed of a circle three or four finger-lengths in diameter, and of two skins stretched tightly over it on both sides; they put inside some little pebbles or [68 i.e., 67] stones, in order to make more noise; the diameter of the largest drums is of the size of two palms or thereabout; they call it chichigouan, and the verb nipagahiman means, "I make this drum sound." They do not strike it, as do our Europeans; but they turn and shake it, to make the stones rattle inside; they strike it upon the ground, sometimes its edge and sometimes its face, while the sorcerer plays a thousand apish tricks with this instrument. Often the spectators have sticks in their hands and all strike at once upon pieces of wood, or upon hatchet handles which they have before them, or upon their ouragans; that is to say, upon their bark plates turned upside down. To this din they add their songs and their cries, I might indeed say their howls, so much do they exert themselves at times; I leave you to imagine this beautiful music. This miserable sorcerer with whom my host and the renegade made me pass the winter, contrary to their promise, almost made me lose my head with his uproar; for every day,—toward nightfall, and very often toward midnight, at other times [68] during the day,—he acted like a madman. For quite a long time I was sick among them, and although I begged him to moderate a little and to give me some rest, he acted still worse, hoping to find his cure in these noises which only made me worse.

Ils se seruent de ces chants, de ce tambour, & de ces bruits, ou tintamarres en leurs maladies, ie le declaray assez amplement l'an passé, mais depuis ce temps là, i'ay veu tant faire de sottises, de niaiseries, 188 de badineries, de bruits, de tintamarres à ce malheureux sorcier pour se pouuoir guerir, que ie me lasserois d'escrire & ennuierois vostre reuerence, si ie luy voulois faire lire la dixiesme partie de ce qui m'a souuent lassé, quasi iusques au dernier poinct. Par fois cest homme entroit comme en furie, chantant, criant hurlant, faisant bruire son tambour de toutes ses forces: cependant les autres hurloient comme luy, & faisoient vn tintamarre horrible auec leurs bastõs, frappans sur ce qui estoit deuant eux: ils faisoient danser des ieunes enfans, puis des filles, puis des femmes; il baissoit [69] la teste, souffloit sur son tambour: puis vers le feu, il siffloit comme vn serpent, il ramenoit son tambour soubs son menton, l'agitant & le tournoyant: il en frappoit la terre de toutes ses forces, puis le tournoyoit sur son estomach: il se fermoit la bouche auec vne main renuersée, & de l'autre, vous eussiez dit qu'il vouloit mettre en pieces ce tambour, tant il en frappoit rudement la terre: il s'agitoit, il se tournoit de part & d'autre, faisoit quelques tours à l'entour du feu, sortoit hors la cabane, tousiours hurlant & bruyant: il se mettoit en mille postures; & tout cela pour se guerir. Voila comme ils traictent les malades. I'ay quelque croyance qu'ils veulent coniurer la maladie, ou espouuanter la femme du Manitou, qu'ils tiennent pour le principe & la cause de tous les maux, comme i'ay remarqué cy dessus.

They make use of these songs, of this drum, and of this noise or uproar, in their sicknesses. I explained it quite fully last year; but since that time I have seen so much foolishness, nonsense, absurdity, noise, and din made by this wretched sorcerer in order to cure himself, that I should become weary in writing and would tire your reverence, if I should try to make you read the tenth part of what has often wearied me almost beyond endurance. Occasionally this man would enter as if in a fury, singing, crying and howling, making his drum rattle with all his might; while the others howled as loudly as he, and made a horrible din with their sticks, striking upon whatever was before them; they made the little children dance, then the girls, then the women; he lowered [69] his head and blew upon his drum, then blew toward the fire; he hissed like a serpent, drew his drum under his chin, shaking and turning it about; he struck the ground with it with all his might, then turned it upon his stomach; he closed his mouth with the back of one hand, and then with the other; you would have said that he wanted to break the drum to pieces, he struck it so hard upon the ground; he shook it, he turned it from one side to the other, and, running around the fire several times, he went out of the cabin, continuing to howl and bellow; he struck a thousand attitudes, and all this was done to cure himself. This is the way they treat their sick. I am inclined to think that they wish to conjure the disease, or to frighten the wife of Manitou, whom they hold as the origin and cause of all evils, as I have said above.

Ils chantent encore & font ces bruits en leurs sueries, ils croiroient que cette medecine, qui est la meilleure de toutes, celles qu'ils ont, ne leur seruiroit de rien, s'ils ne chantoient en suant: Ils plantent des bastons en terre faisants [60 i.e., 70] vne espece de 190 petit tabernacle fort bas: car vn grand homme estant assis là dedans, toucheroit de sa teste le hault de ce todis, qu'ils entourent & couurent de peaux, de robes, de couuertures: Ils mettent dans ce four quantité de grosses pierres qu'il[s] ont faict chauffer, & rougir dans vn bon feu, puis se glissent tous nuds dans ces estuues, les femmes suent par fois aussi bien que les hommes: d'autrefois ils suent tous ensemble, hommes, & femme pesle & mesle: ils chantent, ils crient, ils hurlent dans ce four, ils haranguent: par fois le sorcier y bat son tambour. Ie l'escoutois vne fois comme il faisoit du prophete là dedans, s'escriant qu'il voyoit des Orignaux, que mon hoste son frere en tueroit, ie ne peus me tenir que ie ne luy disse, ou plustost à ceux qui estoient presens, & qui luy prestoient l'oreille comme à vn oracle, qu'il estoit bien croyable qu'on trouueroit quelque masle, puisque on auoit desia trouué & tué deux femelles, luy cognoissant où ie visois, me dit en grondant, il est [61 i.e., 71] croyable que cette robe noire n'a point d'esprit: Ils sont tellement religieux en ces crieries, & autres niaiseries, que s'ils font sueries pour se guerir, ou pour auoir bonne chasse, ou pour auoir beau temps, rien ne se feroit s'ils ne chantoient, & s'ils ne gardoient ces superstitions. I'ay remarqué que quand les hommes suent, ils ne se veulent point seruir des robes des femmes pour entourer leur sueries, s'ils en peuuent auoir d'autres: bref quand ils ont crié trois heures ou enuiron dans ces estuues, ils en sortent tous mouillés & trempés de leur sueur.

They sing and make these noises also in their sweating operations. They believe that this medicine, which is the best of all they have, would be of no use whatever to them if they did not sing during the sweat. They plant some sticks in the ground, making [60 i.e., 70] a sort of low tent, for, if a tall man were seated therein, his head would touch the top of this hut, which they enclose and cover with skins, robes, and blankets. They put in this dark room a number of heavy stones which they have had heated and made red-hot in a good fire, then they slip entirely naked into these sweat boxes. The women occasionally sweat as well as the men. Sometimes they sweat all together, men and women, pellmell. They sing, cry and groan in this oven, and make speeches: occasionally the sorcerer beats his drum there. I heard him once acting the prophet therein, crying out that he saw Moose; that my host, his brother, would kill some. I could not refrain from telling him, or rather those who were present and listened to him as if to an oracle, that it was indeed quite probable that they would find a male, since they had already found and killed two females. When he understood what I was driving at, he said to me sharply, "Believe [61 i.e., 71] me, this black robe has no sense." They are so superstitious in these uproars and in their other nonsense, that if they have sweats in order to cure themselves, or to have a good hunt, or to have fine weather, [they think] nothing would be accomplished if they did not sing, and if they did not observe these superstitions. I have noticed that, when the men sweat, they do not like to use women's robes with which to enclose their sweat boxes, if they can have any others. In short, when they have shouted for three hours or thereabout in these stoves, they emerge completely wet and covered with their sweat.

Ils chantent encore & battent le tambour en leur festins, comme ie declareray au chapitre de leurs banquets: 192ie leur ay veu faire le mesme en leurs conseils, y entremeslant d'autres iongleries: Pour moy ie me doute que le sorcier en inuente tous les iours de nouuelles pour tenir son monde en haleine: & pour se rendre recommandable: ie luy vis vn certain iour prẽdre vne espée, la mettre la pointe en bas, le manche en hault (car leurs espées [72] sont emmanchées à vn long baston) il mit vne hache proche de cette espée, se leu[a] debout, fit ioüer son tambour, chanta hurla à son accoustumée, il fit quelques mines de dancer, tourna à l'entour du feu: puis se cachant, il tira vn bonnet de nuict, dans lequel il y auoit vne pierre à esguiser, il la met dans vne cullier de bois, qu'on essuya exprés pour cest effect, il fit allumer vn flambeau d'escorce, puis donna de main en main le flambeau, la cueiller, & la pierre, qui estoit marquée de quelques raies, la regardans tous les vns apres les autres, philosophant à mon aduis sur cette pierre, touchant leur chasse, qui estoit le subiect de leur conseil ou assemblée.

They also sing and beat drums in their feasts, as I shall explain in the chapter upon their banquets. I have seen them do the same thing in their councils, mingling therein other juggleries. For my part, I suspect that the sorcerer invents every day some new contrivance to keep his people in a state of agitation, and to make himself popular. One day I saw him take a javelin and turn the point down and the handle up (for their javelins [72] have a long stick for a handle); he placed a hatchet near this javelin, stood up, pounded on his drum, uttered his usual howls, pretended to dance, and walked around the fire. Then, concealing himself, he drew out a nightcap, in which there was a whetstone which he placed in a spoon made of wood, which had been wiped expressly for this purpose; then he lighted a bark torch, and passed from hand to hand the torch, the spoon, and the stone, which was marked with stripes,—all examining it attentively, one after the other, and philosophizing, as it seemed to me, over this stone, in regard to their chase, which was the subject of their council or assembly.

Ces pauures ignorants chantent aussi dans leurs peines, dans leurs difficultez, dans leurs perils & dangers: pendant le temps de nostre famine, ie n'entendois par ces cabanes, notãment la nuict, que chants, que cris, battements de tambours, & autres bruits: & demandant ce que c'estoit, mes gens me disoient qu'ils faisoient [73] cela pour auoir bonne chasse, & pour trouuer à manger, leurs chants & leurs tambours passent encore dans les sortileges que font les sorciers.

These poor wretches sing also in their sufferings, in their difficulties, in their perils and dangers. During the time of our famine, I heard nothing throughout these cabins, especially at night, except songs, cries, beating of drums and other noises; when I asked what this meant, my people told me that they did [73] it in order to have a good chase, and to find something to eat. Their songs and their drums also play a part in the witchcraft of the sorcerers.

Il faut que ie couche icy, ce que ie leurs vis faire le douxiesme Feurier, comme ie recitois mes heures sur le soir, le sorcier se mit à parler de moy aïamtheou, il fait ses prieres, dit-il: puis prononçant quelques 194 paroles, que ie n'entendis pas, il adiousta Niganipahau; ie le tueray aussi tost: la pensée me vint qu'il parloit de moy, veu qu'il me haïssoit pour plusieurs raisons, comme ie diray en son lieu: mais notamment pource ce que ie taschois de faire veoir que tout ce qu'il faisoit n'estoit que badinerie & puerilité: Sur cette pensée qu'il me vouloit oster la vie, mon hoste me va dire, n'as tu point de poudre qui tuë les hommes? pourquoy, luy dis-ie, ie veux tuer quelqu'vn, me respond il? ie vous laisse à penser si i'acheuay mon office sans distraction, veu que ie sçauois fort bien qu'ils n'auoient garde de faire mourir aucun de leurs gens, & que le sorcier m'auoit menacé de mort [74] quelques iours auparauant, quoy qu'en riant, me dit il apres: mais ie ne m'y fiois pas beaucoup, voyant donc ces gens en action, ie r'entre dans moy-mesme, suppliant nostre Seigneur de m'assister, & de prendre ma vie au moment & en la façon, qu'il luy plairoit: neantmoins pour me mieux disposer à ce sacrifice, ie voulus voir s'ils pensoient en moy, ie leur demanday donc où estoit l'homme qu'ils vouloient faire mourir, ils me repartent qu'il estoit vers Gaspé à plus de cens lieuës de nous. Ie me mis à rire, car en verité ie n'eusse iamais pensé qu'ils eussent entrepris de tuer vn homme de cens lieuës loin. Ie m'enquis pourquoy ils luy vouloient oster la vie. On me respondit que cest homme estoit vn sorcier Canadien, lequel ayant eu quelque prise auec le nostre, l'auoit menacé de mort, & luy auoit donné la maladie, qui le trauailloit depuis vn long temps, & qui l'alloit estouffer dans deux iours, s'il ne preuenoit le coup par son art: ie leurs dis que Dieu auoit deffendu de tuer, & que nous autres, ne faisions mourir personne: cela 196 n'empescha point [75] qu'ils ne poursuiuissent leur pointe. Mon hoste preuoiant le grand bruit qui se deuoit faire, me dit, tu auras mal à la teste, va-t en en l'autre cabane voisine: non, dit le sorcier, il n'y a point de mal qu'il nous voye faire. On fit sortir tous les enfans & toutes les femmes, horsmis vne qui s'assit aupres du sorcier: Ie demeuray donc spectateur de leurs mysteres, auec tous les Sauuages des autres cabanes qu'on fit venir: Estans tous assis, voicy vn ieune homme qui apporte deux paux ou pieux fort pointus, mon hoste prepare le sort composé de petits bois formez en langue de serpẽt des deux costez, de fers de flesches, de morceaux de cousteaux rompus, d'vn fer replié comme vn gros hameçon, & d'autres choses semblables, on enuelopa tout cela dans vn morceau de cuir: Cela fait, le sorcier prend son tambour, tous se mettent à chanter & hurler, & faire le tintamarre que i'ay remarqué cy dessus: apres quelques chansons, la femme qui estoit demeurée se leue, & tourne tout à l'entour de la cabane par dedans, passant par deriere le [76] dos de tous tant que nous estions. S'estant rassisse, le magicien prend ces deux pieux, puis designant certain endroit, commence à dire; voila sa teste (ie crois qu'il entendoit de l'homme qu'il vouloit tuer) puis de toutes ces forces, il plante ces pieux en terre, les faisant regarder vers l'endroict, où il croioit qu'estoit ce Canadien. Là dessus mon hoste va ayder son frere, il fait vne assez grande fosse en terre auec ces pieux: cependant les chants & autres bruits continuoient incessemment. La fosse faite, les pieux plantez, le valet du sorcier, i'entens l'Apostat, va querir vne espée, & le sorcier en frappe l'vn de ces paux, puis descend dans la fosse, tenant la 198 posture d'vn homme animé qui tire de grands coups d'espée & de poignard; car il auoit l'vn & l'autre dans cette action d'homme furieux & enragé. Le sorcier prend le sort enuelopé de peau, le met dans la fosse, & redouble les coups d'espée à mesme temps qu'on redoubloit le tintamarre.

I must set down here what I saw them do on the twelfth of February. As I was reciting my hours, toward evening, the sorcerer began to talk about me: aiamtheou, "He is making his prayers;" then, pronouncing some words which I did not understand, he added: Niganipahau, "I will kill him at once." The thought occurred to me that he was speaking of me, seeing that he hated me for several reasons, as I shall state in the proper place; but especially because I tried to show that all he did was mere nonsense and child's play. Just as I was thinking that he wanted to take my life, my host said to me, "Hast thou not some powder that kills men?" "Why?" I asked. "I want to kill some one," he answered me. I leave you to imagine whether I finished my prayers without any distraction; for I knew very well that they were disinclined to kill any of their own people, and that the sorcerer had threatened me with death [74] some days before,—although only in jest, as he told me afterward; but I did not have much confidence in him. Now seeing these people bustling about, I retired within myself, supplicating our Lord to help me, and to take my life at the moment and in whatever manner would be pleasing to him. Nevertheless, to better prepare myself for this sacrifice, I wished to learn if they had me in mind, and so I asked them where the man was that they wished to kill; they answered me that he was in the neighborhood of Gaspé, more than a hundred leagues away from us. I began to laugh, for in truth I had never dreamed that they would undertake to kill a man a hundred leagues away. I inquired why they wished to take his life. They answered that this man was a Canadian sorcerer, who, having had some trouble with ours, had threatened him with death and had given him the disease from which he had suffered so long, and which was going to consume him in two days, if he did not prevent the stroke by his art. I told them that God had forbidden murder, and that we never killed people; that did not prevent them [75] from pursuing their purpose. My host, foreseeing the great commotion which was about to take place, said to me, "Thou wilt have the headache; go off into one of the other cabins near by." "No," said the sorcerer, "there will be no harm in his seeing what we do." They had all the children and women go out, except one who sat near the sorcerer; I remained as a spectator of their mysteries, with all the Savages of the other cabins, who were summoned. All being seated, a young man comes bearing two pickets, or very sharply-pointed sticks; my host prepares the charm, composed of little pieces of wood shaped at both ends like a serpent's tongue, iron arrow-points, pieces of broken knives, bits of iron bent like a big fishhook, and other similar things; all these are wrapped in a piece of leather. When this is done, the sorcerer takes his drum, all begin to chant and howl, and to make the uproar of which I spoke above; after a few songs, the woman who had remained arises, and goes all around the inside of the cabin, passing behind the [76] backs of the people who are there. When she is reseated, the magician takes these two stakes; then, pointing out a certain place, begins by saying, "Here is his head," (I believe he meant the head of the man whom he wished to kill); then with all his might he drives these stakes into the ground, inclining them toward the place where he believed this Canadian was. Thereupon my host comes to assist his brother; he makes a tolerably deep ditch in the ground with these stakes; meanwhile the songs and other noises continue incessantly. The ditch made and the stakes planted, the servant of the sorcerer, I mean the Apostate, goes in search of a sword, and the sorcerer strikes with it one of these pickets; then he descends into the ditch, assuming the posture of an excited man who is striking heavy blows with the sword and poniard; for he has both, in this act of a furious and enraged man. The sorcerer takes the charm wrapped in skin, puts it in the ditch, and redoubles his sword-cuts at the same time that they increase the uproar.

En fin ce mystere cessa, il retire l'espée & le poignard tout ensanglanté, les iette deuant les autres Sauuages; on recouure [77] viste la fosse, & le magicien tout glorieux, dit que son homme est frappé, qu'il mourra bien tost, demande si on n'a point entendu ses cris: tout le monde dit que non, horsmis deux ieunes hommes ses parens, qui disent auoir ouy des plaintes fort sourdes, & comme de loing. O qu'ils le firent aise, se tournant vers moy, il se mit a rire, disant, voyez cette robe noire qui nous vient dire qu'il ne faut tuer personne: Comme ie regardois attentiuement l'espée & le poignard; il me les fit presenter, regarde, dit-il, qu'est cela; c'est du sang, repartis-je, de qui? de quelque Orignac ou d'autre animal, ils se mocquerent de moy, disants que c'estoit du sang de ce Sorcier de Gaspé; comment, dis je, il est à plus de cent lieuës d'icy? il est vray font-ils, mais c'est le Manitou, c'est à dire le Diable, qui apporte son sang pardessous la terre. Or si c'est hõme est vrayement Magicien, ie m'en rapporte, pour moy i'estime qu'il n'est ny Sorcier ny Magicien, mais qu'il le voudroit bien estre: tout ce qu'il faict selon ma pensée n'est que badinerie, [78] pour amuser les Sauuages, il voudroit bien auoir communication auec le Diable ou Manitou, mais ie ne crois pas qu'il en ait: si bien me persuaday-je, qu'il y a eu icy quelque Sorcier, ou quelque Magicien s'il est vray ce 200 qu'ils disent des maladies & des guerisons, dont ils me parlent: c'est chose estrange, que le Diable qui apparoist sensiblement aux Ameriquains Meridionaux, & qui les bat & les tourmente de telle sorte, qu'ils se voudroient bien deffaire d'vn tel hoste, ne se communique point visiblement ny sensiblement à nos Sauuages, selon ce que ie crois. Ie sçais qu'il y a des personnes d'opinion contraire, croyans aux rapports de ces Barbares, mais quand ie les presse, ils m'aduoüent tous, qu'ils n'ont rien veu de tout ce qu'ils disent, mais seulement qu'ils l'ont oüy dire à d'autres.

Finally, this mystery ends, and he draws out the sword and the poniard all covered with blood, and throws them down before the other Savages; the ditch [77] is hurriedly covered up, and the magician boastfully asserts that his man is struck, that he will soon die, and asks if they have not heard his cries; they all say "no," except two young men, relatives of his, who say they have heard some very dull sounds, and as if far away. Oh, how glad they make him! Turning toward me, he begins to laugh, saying, "See this black robe, who comes here to tell us that we must not kill any one." As I am looking attentively at the sword and the poniard, he has them presented to me. "Look," he says, "what is that?" "It is blood," I answer, "of what? Of some Moose or other animal." They laugh at me, saying that it is the blood of that Sorcerer of Gaspé. "How?" I answer them, "he is more than a hundred leagues away from here." "It is true," they reply, "but it is the Manitou; that is, the Devil, who carries his blood under the earth." Now if this man is really a Magician, I leave you to decide; for my part, I consider that he is neither Sorcerer nor Magician, but that he would like very much to be one. All that he does, according to my opinion, is nothing but nonsense [78] to amuse the Savages. He would like to have communication with the Devil or Manitou, but I do not think that he has. Yet I am persuaded that there has been some Sorcerer or Magician here, if what they tell me is true about diseases and cures which they describe to me; it is a strange thing, in my opinion, that the Devil, who is visible to the South Americans, and who so beats and torments them that they would like to get rid of such a guest, does not communicate himself visibly and sensibly to our Savages. I know that there are persons of contrary opinion, who believe in the reports of these Barbarians; but, when I urge them, they all admit that they have seen nothing of that of which they speak, but that they have only heard it related by others.

Ce n'est pas le mesme des Ameriquains Meridionaux, nos Europeans ont oüy le bruit, la voix & les coups que ruë le Diable sur ces pauures esclaues: & vn François digne de creance, [79] m'a asseuré l'auoir oüy de ses oreilles: surquoy on me rapporte vne chose tres remarquable, c'est que le Diable s'enfuit, & ne frappe point ou cesse de frapper ces miserables, quand vn Catholique entre en leur compagnie, & qu'il ne laisse point de les battre en la presence d'vn Huguenot, d'où vient qu'vn iour se voyans battus en la compagnie d'vn certain François, ils luy dirent, nous nous estonnons que le diable nous batte, toy estant auec nous, veu qu'il n'oseroit le faire quand tes compagnons sont presents. Luy se douta incontinent que cela pouuoit prouenir de sa religion, (car il estoit Caluiniste) s'adressant donc à Dieu, il luy promist de se faire Catholique si le diable cessoit de battre ces pauures peuples en sa presẽce: Le vœu fait, iamais plus aucun Demon ne molesta Amariquain en sa compagnie, d'où vient qu'il se fist Catholique, selon la promesse qu'il en auoit faicte; mais 202 retournons à nostre discours. I'ay veu deux autrefois faire les mesmes sortileges à nostre Magicien pretendu, & [80] garda toutes les ceremonies susdites, horsmis qu'il changea de sort, car vne fois il se seruit de quatre bastons faits en forme de fuseaux à filer, sinon qu'ils estoient plus gros, & qu'ils auoient comme des dents en certains endroits: Il se seruit encore du bout de la queuë & du pied d'vn Porc épic, & quelques poils d'Orignac, ou de Porc épic, liez ensemble en petit faisseau: l'autrefois il se seruit encore de ces fuseaux, d'vn pied de Porc épic, ou d'vn autre animal, d'os de quelque beste, d'vn fer semblable, & celuy qu'õ attache à vne porte pour la tirer, & de quelques autres badineries: son valet le renegat luy tenant tout cela prest, & battant le tambour pendant que son Maistre estoit occupé dans la fosse. Voila vne partie des actions esquelles se retrouuent leurs chants, leurs cris, hurlemens & tintamarres.

Among the South Americans it is different. Our Europeans have heard the noise, the voice, and the blows that the Devil deals to these poor slaves, and a Frenchman, worthy of belief, [79] has assured me that he heard it with his own ears. In regard to this, a very remarkable thing is reported to me; it is that the Devil takes flight, and does not strike or else ceases to strike these wretches, when a Catholic enters their company, and that he does not cease to strike them in the presence of a Huguenot. From this it happened that, one day, seeing themselves being beaten in the presence of a Frenchman, they said to him, "We are astonished that the devil beats us when thou art with us, seeing that he does not dare to do it when thy companions are here." It suddenly occurred to him that this might come from his religion (for he was a Calvinist); so, addressing himself to God, he promised to become a Catholic if the devil ceased beating these poor people in his presence. After this vow was made, never afterward did any Demon molest an American in his company, on account of which he became a Catholic according to his promise. But let us return to our story. I have seen our pretended Magician perform the same witchcraft on two other occasions. [80] He observed all the above mentioned ceremonies, except that he changed the charm, for once he made use of four sticks made in the shape of spindles, except that they were heavier, and that they had something like teeth in certain places. Also he used the end of the tail and the foot of a Porcupine, and some hairs of the Moose and of the Porcupine, bound together in a little sheaf. Another time he used these spindles also, and a foot of the Porcupine or of another animal, the bone of some beast, an iron similar to that which they fasten to a door to pull it open, and some other absurd things. His servant, the renegade, held all these things ready for him, and beat the drum while his Master was occupied in the ditch. These are a part of their actions, among which are mingled their songs, their cries, their howls and uproar.

Leur Religiõ, ou plustost superstitiõ, consiste encore à prier: mais, ô mon Dieu! quelles oraisons font ils? Le matin les petits enfans sortans de la Cabane, s'escrient à pleine teste, Cacouakhi [81] Pakhais Amiscouakhi, Pakhais MousouaKhi, Pakhais: venez Porcs épics, venez Castors, venez Elans, voila toutes leurs prieres.

Their Religion, or rather their superstition, consists besides in praying; but O, my God, what prayers they make! In the morning, when the little children come out from their Cabins, they shout, Cacouakhi, [81] Pakhais Amiscouakhi, Pakhais Mousouakhi, Pakhais, "Come, Porcupines; come, Beavers; come, Elk;" and this is all of their prayers.

Les Sauuages eternuans, & quelquefois mesme en autre temps, disent pendant l'Hiuer, criants tout haut Etouctaian miraouinam an MirouscamiKhi, ie serois bien aise de voir le Printemps.

When the Savages sneeze, and sometimes even at other times, during the Winter, they cry out in a loud voice, Etouctaiau miraouinam an Mirouscamikhi, "I shall be very glad to see the Spring."

D'autrefois ie leur ay oüy demãder le Printemps, ou la deliurance du mauuais, & autres choses semblables; & tout cela se faict par desirs qu'ils expriment, criants tant qu'ils peuuent, ie serois bien aise que ce iour continuast, que le vent se changeast, &c. De 204dire à qui ces souhaits s'adressent, ie ne sçaurois, car eux mesmes ne le sçauent pas, du moins ceux à qui ie l'ay demandé ne m'en ont pû instruire.

At other times, I have heard them pray for the Spring, or for deliverance from evils and other similar things; and they express all these things in the form of desires, crying out as loudly as they can, "I would be very glad if this day would continue, if the wind would change," etc. I could not say to whom these wishes are addressed, for they themselves do not know, at least those whom I have asked have not been able to enlighten me.

I'ay remarqué cy-dessus qu'ils prient Le Manitou de ne point ietter les yeux sur leurs ennemis, afin qu'ils les puissent tuer: voila toutes les prieres & oraisons que i'ay oüy faire aux Sauuages, ie ne sçay s'ils en ont d'autres, ie [82] ne le crois pas. O que ie me fentois riche & heureux parmy ces Barbares, d'auoir vn Dieu à qui ie peusse adresser mes souhaits, mes prieres & mes vœux! & qu'ils sont miserables de n'auoir point d'autres desirs, que pour la vie presente! I'oubliois à dire icy, mais ie l'ay couché cy-dessus, qu'ils ont vne Image ou espece de sacrifice, car ils iettent au feu de la gresse qu'ils recueillent sur la chaudiere où cuit la viande, faisants cette priere Papeouekou, Papeouekou, faictes nous trouuer à manger, faictes nous trouuer à manger: ie crois qu'ils adressent cette oraison à leur Khichekouai, & peut-estre encore les autres; voicy vne superstition qui m'a bien ennuyé.

I have remarked above that they pray The Manitou not to cast his eyes upon their enemies, in order that they may be able to kill them. These are all the prayers and orisons which I have heard the Savages make; I do not know whether they have others,—I [82] do not think they have. Oh, how rich and happy I consider myself among these Barbarians, to have a God to whom I can address my desires, my prayers and my vows! And how miserable they are not to have any other desires than for the present life! I was forgetting to say here, although I have mentioned it above, that they have an Imitation or kind of a sacrifice, for they throw upon the fire grease which they skim from the kettle where the meat is cooking, uttering this prayer, Papcouekou, Papcouekou, "make us find something to eat, make us find something to eat." I believe that they address this prayer to their Khichckouai, and perhaps to others besides. The following is a superstition which greatly annoyed me.

Le vingt-quatriesme de Nouembre, le Sorcier assembla les Sauuages & se retrancha auec des robes & des couuertures en vn quartier de la Cabane; en sorte qu'on ne le pouuoit voir, ny ses compagnons: il s'y trouua vne femme auec eux qui marquoit sur vn baston triangulaire long de demie picque, toutes les chansons qu'ils disoient, ie [83] priay vne femme de me dire ce qu'ils faisoient dans ces retranchemens, elle me respondit qu'ils prioient; mais ie croy qu'elle me fist cette respõse, pour ce que quand ie saisois oraison, eux me demandans ce que ie faisois, ie leurs disois, Nataïamihiau missi ca Khichitât, ie prie celuy qui a 206 tout faict: & ainsi quand ils chantoient, quand ils hurloient, battans leurs tambours & leurs bastons, ils me disoient qu'ils faisoient leurs prieres, sans me pouuoir expliquer à qui ils les addressoient. Le renegat m'a dit que ceste superstition, qui dura plus de cinq heures, se faisoit pour vn mort, mais comme il ment plus souuent qu'il ne dit vray, ie m'en rapporte à ce qui en est: ils appellent cette superstition Ouechibouan, en suitte de ces longues oraisons, le Sorcier donna le patron d'vn petit sac couppé en forme de jambe à vne femme pour en faire vn de cuir, qu'elle remplit à mon aduis de poil de Castor, car ie maniay cette jambe qui me sembla molasse, & pleine d'vn poil assez doux, ie demanday prou ce que c'estoit, [84] & pourquoy on faisoit ce petit sac tortu, mais iamais on ne me le voulut dire. Ie sçeu seulement qu'ils l'appelloient Manitoukathi, c'est à dire, jambe du Manitou, ou du Diable; elle fut long temps penduë dans la Cabane au lieu où s'asseoit le Sorcier; depuis on la donna à vn ieune homme pour la porter penduë au col, elle estoit des appartenances de ces longues prieres, que ie viens de cotter, mais ie n'ay peu sçauoir à quel dessein cela se faisoit.

On the twenty-fourth of November, the Sorcerer assembled the Savages, and entrenched himself with some robes and blankets in one quarter of the Cabin, so that neither he nor his companions could be seen. There was a woman with them, who marked on a triangular stick, half a spear in length, all the songs they recited. I [83] begged a woman to tell me what they were doing in this enclosure, and she answered me that they were praying; but I believe she made this response because, when I prayed and they asked me what I was doing, I told them, Nataïamihiau missi ca Khichitât, "I am praying to him who made all things;" and so when they sang, when they howled, and beat their drums and their sticks, they told me that they were making prayers, without being able to explain to me to whom they were addressed. The renegade told me that this superstitious rite, which lasted more than five hours, was performed for a dead person; but, as he lies oftener than he tells the truth, I give it for what it is worth. They call this superstition Ouechibouan. After these long orisons, the Sorcerer gave the pattern of a little sack, cut in the form of a leg, to a woman, to make one of leather. This she filled, I thought, with Beaver hair, for I felt the leg and it seemed to me light and full of soft hair. I asked often what it was, [84] and why they made this little crooked sack, but they never told me. I only know that they call it Manitoukathi; meaning, leg of the Manitou, or of the Devil; for a long time it was hung in the Cabin, at the place where the Sorcerer was seated; afterward, it was given to a young man to wear hung from his neck. It was one of the accompaniments of these long prayers, which I have just described; but I have not been able to find out for what purpose it was used.

Ils gardent par fois encore vn ieusne fort rigoureux, non pas tous, mais quelques vns qui ont enuie de viure long temps; mon hoste voyant que ie ne mangeois qu'vne fois pendant le Caresme, me dit que quelques vns d'entre eux ieusnoient pour auoir vne longue vie; mais m'adjousta qu'ils se retiroient tous seuls dans vne petite Cabane à part, & que là ils ne beuuoient ny mãgeoient quelquefois huict iours, quelquefois dix iours durant: d'autres m'ont dit qu'ils sortent comme des squelets de cette Cabane, & que 208par [85] fois on en rapporte à demy-morts, ie n'ay point veu de ces grands ieusneurs, si bien de grãds disneurs: vray est que ie n'ay point de peine à croire cét excez, car toutes les fausses religions sont pleines de puerilitez, ou d'excés, ou de saletez.

Now and then they observe a very rigorous fast,—not all of them, but certain ones who desire to live a long time. My host, seeing that I ate only once a day during Lent, told me that some of their people fasted in order to have a long life; but he added that they withdrew alone into a little Cabin apart from the others, and while there they neither drank nor ate, sometimes for eight and at other times for ten days; others have told me that they emerge from this Cabin like skeletons, and that sometimes [85] they are brought out half dead. I have not seen any of these great fasters, but I have seen great diners. In truth I have no difficulty in believing in these excesses, for all false religions are full of nonsense, of excesses, or of uncleanness.

I'ay veu faire vne autre deuotion au Sorcier, laquelle, comme ie crois, n'appartient qu'à ceux de sa profession; on luy dresse vne petite Cabane esloignée d'vn jet de pierre ou de deux des autres, il se retire là dedans pour y demeurer seul huict iours, dix iours, ou plus ou moins: Or vous l'entendez iour & nuict crier, hurler, & battre son tambour; mais il n'est pas tellement solitaire, que d'autres ne luy aillent aider à chanter, & que les femmes ne le visitent, c'est là où il se commet de grandes saletez.

I have seen another devotion performed by the Sorcerer, which, I believe, belongs only to those of his profession. They erect for him a little Cabin distant from the others a stone's throw or two, into which he retires to remain there alone eight or ten days, more or less. Now day and night he can be heard crying, howling and beating his drum; but he is not so solitary that others do not go to help him sing, and that the women do not visit him, and it is here that great licentiousness is carried on.

Les Sauuages sont encore fort Religieux enuers leurs morts; mon hoste, & le vieillard dont i'ay souuent faict mention, m'ont confirmé ce que i'ay des-ja escrit vne autrefois, que le corps mort du deffunct ne sort point par la [86] porte ordinaire de la Cabane, ains on leue l'escorce de l'endroict où l'hom[me] est mort, pour faire passer son cadaure.

The Savages are also very Religious in regard to their dead. My host, and the old man of whom I have spoken, confirmed what I have already written before, that the body of the deceased does not go out through the [86] common door of the Cabin, but the bark is raised at the place where the dead man is, in order to make a passageway for the corpse.

De plus, disent ils, l'ame sort par la cheminée, ou par l'ouuerture qu'ils font au haut de leurs todis, ils frappent à coups de baston sur leurs Cabanes, afin que cette ame ne tarde point, & qu'elle ne s'accoste de quelque enfant, car elle le fairoit mourir: ils enterrent les robbes, les chaudieres, & autres meubles auec le trespassé, pource qu'ils l'ayment, & afin aussi qu'il se serue de l'ame de toutes ces choses en l'autre vie. Ils iettent comme i'ay des-ja dit, la meilleure viande qu'ils ayent au feu, pour en donner à manger à l'ame dit deffunct, qui mange l'ame de ces viandes: 210 ils n'estendent point les corps de leur long comme nous faisons les enseuellissants, mais ils les accroupissent & accourcissent comme vne personne qui est assise sur les talons: ils couppent vn petit touffet de cheueux du deffunct, pour presenter à son plus proche parent. Je n'en sçay [87] pas la raison. Mais faisons vne autre liste de leurs superstitions & de leur ignorance, celles que ie viens de rapporter, concernent en quelque façon leur religion ridicule; les suiuantes le peuuent proprement appeller superstitions.

Furthermore, they say that the soul goes out through the chimney, or at the opening which they make at the top of their huts. They strike heavy blows with a stick upon the Cabins, that this soul may not delay, and that it may not come near a child, for it would kill it. They bury with the dead man his robes, his kettles, and other belongings, because they love him, and also in order that he may make use of the soul of all these things in the other life. They throw, as I have already said, the best meat they have into the fire, to give something to eat to the soul of the deceased, which eats the soul of this food. They do not stretch out the bodies of their dead lengthwise, as we do those of our dead, but they place them in a crouching position like a person who is seated upon his heels. They cut a little tuft of hair from the dead man to present to his nearest relative. I do not know [87] why they do this. But let us make another list of their superstitions and of their ignorance, as what I have just reported concerns in some manner their ridiculous religion: the following may properly be called superstitions.

Les Sauuages ne iettent point aux chiens les os des Castors, Porcs épics femmelles, du moins certains os determinez; bref ils p[r]ennent garde tres-soigneusement que les chiens ne mangent aucun os des oyseaux & des autres animaux qui se prennent au lacs, autrement ils n'en prendront plus qu'auec des difficultez incomparables: encore y a-il là dedans mille obseruations, car il n'importe que les vertebres ou le croupion de ces animaux soient données aux chiens, pour le reste il faut le jetter au feu; toutefois pour le Castor pris à la rets, c'est le meilleur de ietter ses os dans vn fleuue, c'est chose estrange qu'ils recueillent & ramassent ces os, & les conseruent auec tant de soin, que vous diriez que leur chasse seroit perduë s'ils auoient [88] contreuenu à leurs superstitions: comme ie me mocquois d'eux, & que ie leurs disois que les Castors ne sçauoient pas ce que l'on faisoit de leurs os; ils me respondirent, tu ne sçais pas prendre les Castors, & tu en veux parler: deuant que le Castor soit mort tout à faict, me dirent-ils, son ame vient faire vn tour par la Cabane de celuy qui le tuë, & remarque fort bien ce qu'on fait de ses os; que si on les 212 donnoit aux chiens, les autres Castors en seroient aduertis: c'est pourquoy ils se rendroient difficiles à prendre, mais ils sont bien aises qu'on iette leurs os au feu, ou dans vn fleuue, la rets notamment qui les a pris en est bien contente. Ie leur dis que les Hiroquois au rapport de celuy qui estoit auec nous, iettoient les os de Castor aux chiens, & cependant qu'ils en prenoient fort souuent, & que nos François prenoient du gibier plus qu'eux (sans comparaison) & que neantmoins nos chiens en mangeoient les os, tu n'as point d'esprit, me firent-ils, ne vois tu pas que vous & les Hiroquois cultiuez la terre [89] & en recueillez les fruicts, & non pas nous, & partant que ce n'est pas la mesme chose: ie me mis à rire entendant cette response impertinente; le mal est que ie ne fais que beguayer, que ie prends vn mot pour l'autre, que ie prononce mal, & ainsi tout s'en va le plus souuent en risee; Que c'est vne grande peine de parler à vn peuple sans l'entendre. De plus, en leurs festins à manger tout, il faut bien prendre garde que les chiens n'en goustent tant soit peu, mais de cecy en vn autre chapitre.

The Savages do not throw to the dogs the bones of female Beavers and Porcupines,—at least, certain specified bones; in short, they are very careful that the dogs do not eat any bones of birds and of other animals which are taken in the net, otherwise they will take no more except with incomparable difficulties. Yet they make a thousand exceptions to this rule, for it does not matter if the vertebræ or rump of these animals be given to the dogs, but the rest must be thrown into the fire. Yet, as to the Beaver which has been taken in a trap, it is best to throw its bones into a river. It is remarkable how they gather and collect these bones, and preserve them with so much care, that you would say their game would be lost if they [88] violated their superstitions. As I was laughing at them, and telling them that Beavers do not know what is done with their bones, they answered me, "Thou dost not know how to take Beavers, and thou wishest to talk about it." Before the Beaver was entirely dead, they told me, its soul comes to make the round of the Cabin of him who has killed it, and looks very carefully to see what is done with its bones; if they are given to the dogs, the other Beavers would be apprised of it and therefore they would make themselves hard to capture. But they are very glad to have their bones thrown into the fire, or into a river; especially the trap which has caught them is very glad of this. I told them that the Hiroquois, according to the reports of the one who was with us, threw the bones of the Beaver to the dogs, and yet they took them very often; and that our Frenchmen captured more game than they did (without comparison), and yet our dogs ate these bones. "Thou hast no sense," they replied, "dost thou not see that you and the Hiroquois cultivate the soil [89] and gather its fruits, and not we, and that therefore it is not the same thing?" I began to laugh when I heard this irrelevant answer. The trouble is, I only stutter, I take one word for another, I pronounce badly; and so everything usually passes off in laughter. What great difficulty there is in talking with people without being able to understand them. Furthermore, in their eat-all feasts they must be very careful that the dogs do not taste even the least of it; but of this in another chapter.

Ils croyent que la gresle a de l'esprit & de la connoissance, comme mon hoste faisoit festin pendant cet Hiuer, il dit à vn ieune homme, va t'en aduertir les Sauuages de l'autre Cabane qu'ils viennent quand ils voudront que tout est prest, mais ne porte point de flambeau, il estoit nuict & il gresloit fort & ferme: i'entends aussi les Sauuages sortans de leurs Cabanes, s'écrier à leurs gens, ne nous éclairez point, car il gresle. Ie demanday par apres la raison de cela, on me respõdit que la grêle auoit de l'esprit, 214& qu'elle haïssoit [90] la lumiere, ne venant ordinairement que sur la nuict: que si on portoit des flambeaux dehors, elle cesseroit, dont ils seroient bien marris, car elle sert à prendre l'Originac. Voila des gens biẽ entendus aux meteores, ie leur dis que la gresle n'estoit autre chose que l'eau de la pluye, qui se congeloit par la froidure, laquelle s'augmentât sur la nuict par l'eloignement du Soleil, il gresloit plustost qu'en plein midy: ils me repartirent à l'ordinaire, tu es vn ignorant, ne vois tu pas qu'il a faict froid tout le iour, & que la gresle a attendu la nuict pour venir; Ie voulus repartir que la nuée n'estoit pas encore disposée, mais on me dit eca titou eca titou nama Khitirinisin, tais toi, tais toi, tu n'as pas d'esprit: voila la monnoye dont ils me payent, & dont ils payent bien souuent les autres sans s'alterer. Mon hoste coupoit par superstition le bout de la queuë de tous les Castors qu'il prenoit, & les enfiloit ensemble. Ie demanday pourquoy, le vieillard me dit, c'est vne resolution ou vne promesse qu'il a faict, afin de prendre beaucoup de Castors de sçauoir à qui il fait ce vœu [91] ny luy, ny moy ne le sçaurions dire.

They believe that the hail has understanding and knowledge. When my host was giving a feast, that Winter, he said to a young man, "Go tell the Savages of the other Cabin that they may come when they wish, that everything is ready; but do not carry a torch." It was night, and there was a very heavy hailstorm. So I heard the Savages going out from their Cabins, crying to their people, "Do not make any light for us, because it hails." I afterward asked the reason for this, and they answered me that the hail possessed intelligence, and that it hated [90] the light, usually coming only at night-time; that, if torches were carried out of doors, it would stop, and they would be very sorry for this, for it helped them to capture the Moose. See how intelligent these people are about atmospheric phenomena. I told them that the hail was nothing but the water of the rain, congealed by the cold, which was greater at night on account of the absence of the Sun, and so it hailed then oftener than in the middle of the day. They answered me in their usual way, "Thou art an ignoramus; dost thou not see that it has been cold all day long, and that the hail has waited until night to come?" I tried to tell them that the clouds had not yet gathered, but they said, eca titou eca titou nama Khitirinisin, "keep still, keep still, thou hast no sense." This is the money with which they pay me, and with which they very often pay the others without any variation. Through superstition, my host cuts off the end of the tail from all the Beavers he takes, and strings them together. I asked why; and the old man told me that it was a resolution or promise that he had made in order to take many Beavers. As to whom he made this vow, [91] neither he nor I would be able to tell.

Ils mettent au feu vn certain os plat de Porc épic, puis ils regardent à sa couleur s'ils feront bonne chasse de ces animaux.

They put upon the fire a certain flat bone of the Porcupine; then look at its color attentively, to see if they will hunt these animals with success.

Quand quelqu'vn de leurs gens s'est egaré dans les bois, voyans qu'il ne retourne point en la Cabane, ils pendent vn fusil à vne perche pour le redresser; & cela fait, me disoient ils, qu'il voye du feu, & qu'il reconnosse son chemin: quand vn esprit s'est vne fois egaré du chemin de la verité, il donne bien auant dans l'erreur.

When some one of their men is lost in the woods, seeing that he does not return to his Cabin, they hang a fuse to a pole to direct him, and, that done, they tell me that he sees the fire and finds his way back. When the mind has once strayed from the path of truth, it advances far into error.

Mais à propos de leur fusil, ie diray cy qu'il n'est 216pas faict comme les nostres; ils ont pour meche la peau d'vne cuisse d'vn aigle, auec le duuet qui prẽd feu aisement, ils battent deux pierres de mine ensemble, comme nous faisons vne pierre à fusil, auec vn morceau de fer ou d'acier: au lieu d'allumettes, ils se seruẽt d'vn petit morceau de tondre, c'est vn bois pourry & bien seché, qui brusle aisement & incessammẽt iusques à ce qu'il soit consommé: ayant pris feu ils le mettent dans l'escorce de Cedre puluerisée, & soufflant [92] doucement cette écorce s'enflamme. Voila comme ils font du feu. I'auois porté vn fusil françois auec moy, & cinq ou six allumettes, ils s'estonnoient de la promptitude auec laquelle i'allumois du feu, le mal fut que mes allumettes furent bien tost vsées, ayant manqué d'en porter vn peu dauãtage.

But, in regard to their fuse, I will say here that it is not made like ours. For wick they use the skin of an eagle's thigh, covered with down, which takes fire very easily. They strike together two metallic stones, just as we do with a piece of flint and iron or steel; in place of matches, they use a little piece of tinder, a dry and rotten wood which burns easily and continually until it is consumed. When they have lighted it, they put it into pulverized Cedar bark; and, by gently [92] blowing, this bark takes fire. That is how they light their fires. I brought a french fuse with me, and five or six matches. They were astonished at the ease with which I could light a fire; the trouble was that my matches were soon exhausted, as I had failed to bring enough.

Ils ont encore vne autre espece de fusil, ils tournent vn petit baston de Cedre, de ce mouuement sort du feu qui allume du tondre: mais comme ie n'ay point veu l'vsage de ce fusil plus familier aux Hurons qu'aux Montagnais, ie n'en diray pas dauantage.

They have still another kind of fuse. They twist a little Cedar stick, and this friction causes fire, which lights some tinder; but, as I have never seen them use this fuse, which is more familiar to the Hurons than to the Montagnais, I will say no more about it.

Quand quelqu'vn d'eux a pris vn Ours, il y a bien des ceremonies deuant qu'il soit mangé, vn de nos gens en prit vn. Voicy ce qu'on obserua.

When some one of them has taken a Bear, there are extensive ceremonies before it is eaten. One of our people took one, and this is what they did:

Premierement l'Ours estant tué, celuy qui l'a mis à mort ne l'apporte point, mais il s'en reuient à la Cabane en donner la nouuelle, afin que quelqu'vn aille voir la prise comme chose precieuse; car les Sauuages preferent la chair d'Ours à toutes leurs autres viandes: il me semble que le ieune Castor ne luy cede en rien, mais l'Ours a [93] plus de graisse. Voila pourquoy il est plus aimé des Sauuages.

First, the Bear having been killed, the man who killed it did not bring it back, but he returned to the Cabin to impart the news, so that some one might go and see the prize, as something very precious; for the Savages prefer the meat of the Bear to all other kinds of food; it seems to me that the young Beaver is in no way inferior to it, but the Bear has [93] more fat, and therefore the Savages like it better.

Secondement l'Ours a[p]porté toutes les filles nubiles, & les ieunes femmes mariées qui n'ont point 218encore eu d'ẽfans, tant celles de la Cabane où l'Ours doit estre mangé, que des autres voisines, s'en vont dehors, & ne rentrent point tant qu'il y reste aucun morceau de cet animal, dont elles ne goustent point: Il negeoit & faisoit vn temps fort fascheux, il estoit quasi nuict quãd cét Ours fut apporté en nostre Cabane: tout à l'heure les femmes & les filles sortirent, & s'en allerent Cabaner ailleurs le mieux quelles peurent non sans patir beaucoup, car ils n'ont pas tousiours des écorces à leur commandemẽt pour dresser leur maison, qu'ils couurẽt en tel cas de brãches de Sapin.

Second, the Bear being brought, all the marriageable girls and young married women who have not had children, as well as those of the Cabin where the Bear is to be eaten, and of the neighboring cabins, go outside, and do not return as long as there remains a piece of this animal, which they do not taste. It snowed, and the weather was very severe. It was almost night when this Bear was brought to our Cabin; immediately the women and girls went out and sought Shelter elsewhere, the best they could find. They do this not without much suffering; for they do not always have bark at hand with which to make their house, which in such cases they cover with branches of the Fir tree.

En troisiesme lieu, il faut bien éloigner les chiens, de peur qu'ils ne lechent le sang, ou ne mangent les os, voire les excremens de cette beste, tãt elle est cherie. On enterre ceux-cy sous le foyer, & on iette ceux-là au feu; voila ce que i'obseruay en cette superstitiõ. On fit deux banquets de cét Ours, [94] l'ayant fait cuire en deux chaudieres, quoy qu'en mesme temps. On inuita les hõmes & les femmes âgées au premier festin, lequel acheué, les femmes sortirent, puis on depẽdit l'autre chaudiere, dont on fit festin à manger tout entre les hommes seulement. Cela se fit le soir de la prise; le lendemain sur la nuict, ou le second iour, ie ne m'en souuiens pas bien, l'Ours estant entierement mangé, les ieunes femmes, & les filles retournerent.

In the third place, the dogs must be sent away, lest they lick the blood, or eat the bones, or even the offal of this beast, so greatly is it prized. The latter are buried under the fireplace, and the former are thrown into the fire. The preceding are the observations which I made during the performance of this superstition. Two banquets are made of this Bear, [94] as it is cooked in two kettles, although all at the same time. The men and older women are invited to the first feast, and, when it is finished, the women go out; then the other kettle is taken down, and of this an eat-all feast is made for the men only. This is done on the evening of the capture; the next day toward nightfall, or the second day, I do not exactly remember, the Bear having been all eaten, the young women and girls return.

Si l'oiseau qu'ils nomment Ouichcatchan, qui est quasi de la grosseur d'vne pie, & qui luy ressemble, (car il est gris aux endroicts que la pie est noire, & blanc ou elle est blanche) se presente pour entrer dans leur Cabane, ils le chassent fort soigneusement, pource disent ils, qu'ils auroient mal à la teste: ils n'ẽ dõnent point de raison ils l'ont, si on les croit, 220 experimenté, ie les ay veu prendre le gesier de cét animal, le fendans & regardans dedans fort attentiuement; mon hoste me dit, si ie trouue dedans vn petit os d'Originac (car cét oyseau mange de tout) ie tueray vn Orignac, si ie trouue vn os d'Ours, ie [95] tueray vn Ours, & ainsi des autres animaux.

If the bird which they call Ouichcatchan, which is nearly the size of the magpie, and which resembles it (for it is gray in the places where the magpie is black, and white where it is white), tries to get into their Cabins, they drive it away very carefully, because, they say, they would have a headache; they do not give any reason for this, but have, if they are to be believed, learned it by experience. I have seen them take the throat of this animal, split it open, and look into it very attentively. My host tells me, "If I find inside a little bone of the Moose (for this bird eats everything) I shall kill a Moose; if I find a bone of the Bear, I [95] shall kill a Bear;" and so on with other animals.

Dans la famine que nous auons enduré, nos Sauuages ne voulurent point manger leurs chiens, pource que si on tuoit vn chiẽ pour le manger, vn hõme seroit tué à coups de hache, disoiẽt-ils.

In the famine which we endured, our Savages would not eat their dogs, because they said that, if the dog was killed to be eaten, a man would be killed by blows from an axe.

Mon hoste iettant quelques branches de pin dans le feu, il prestoit l'oreille au bruit qu'elles feroient en se bruslant, prononçant quelques paroles; ie luy demanday pourquoy il faisoit cette ceremonie, pour prendre des Porcs épics, me respond il, de dire quel rapport il y a de ces branches bruslées auec leur chasse, c'est ce qu'ils ne sçauent pas, & ne sçauroient sçauoir.

My host, throwing some pine branches into the fire, listened attentively to the noise which they made in burning, and pronounced some words. I asked him why he went through this ceremony; "To capture Porcupines," he answered me. What connection there is between these burning branches and their hunting, they neither do nor can explain.

Ils ne mangent point la moëlle des vertebres ou de l'espine du dos de quelque animal que ce soit, car ils auroient mal au dos, & s'ils fourroient vn baston dans ces vertebres, ils sentiroiẽt vne douleur, comme si on le fichoit dans les leur. Ie le faisois expres deuant eux pour les desabuser, mais vn mal d'esprit si grand, comme est vne superstition inueterée depuis tant de siecles, & succée auec le laict de la nourrice [96] ne se guerit pas en vn moment.

They do not eat the marrow of the vertebræ or backbone of any animal whatever, for they would have a backache; and, if they were to thrust a stick into these vertebræ, they would feel the pain the same as if some one had driven it into theirs. I did it purposely, in their presence, to disabuse them; but a disease of the mind so great as is a superstition firmly established for so many centuries, and drunk in with the nurse's milk, [96] is not eradicated in a moment.

Ils ne mangent point les petits embrions d'Orignac, qu'ils tirent du ventre de leurs meres, sinon à la fin de la chasse de cét animal, la raison est que leurs meres les aiment, & qu'elles s'en rendroient fascheuses & difficiles à prendre, si on mangeoit leur fruict si ieune.

They do not eat the little embryos of Moose, which they take from the wombs of the mothers, except at the end of the chase for this animal. The reason is that their mothers love them, and they would become angry and difficult to capture, if their offspring were eaten so young.

222 Ils ne reconnoissent que dix Lunes en l'année, i'entends la pluspart des Sauuages, car i'ay fait auouër au Sorcier qu'il y en auoit douze.

They recognize only ten Moons in the year,—I mean the greater part of the Savages, for I made the Sorcerer admit that there are twelve.

Ils croyent que la Lune de Feurier est plus lõgue de plusieurs iours que les autres, aussi la nomment ils la grande Lune; Ie leur ay demanday d'où venoit l'Eclypse de Lune & de Soleil; ils m'ont respondu que la Lune s'éclypsoit ou paroissoit noire, à cause qu'elle tenoit son fils entre ses bras, qui empeschoit que l'on ne vist sa clarté. Si la Lune a vn fils, elle est mariée, ou l'a été, leur dis-je, oüy dea, me dirent ils, le Soleil est son mary qui marche tout le iour, & elle toute la nuict; & s'il s'eclypse, ou s'il s'obscurcit, c'est qu'il prend aussi par fois le fils qu'il a eu de [97] la Lune entre ses bras: oüy, mais ny la Lune ny le Soleil n'ont point de bras, leur disois-je, tu n'as point d'esprit: ils tiẽnent tousiours leur arcs bandés deuant eux, voila pourquoy leurs bras ne paroissent point; & sur qui veulent ils tirer? hé qu'en sçauons nous. Ie leur demanday que vouloient dire ces taches qui se font voir en la Lune; tu ne sçay riẽ du tout, me disoient ils; c'est vn bonet qui luy couure la teste, & non pas des taches. Ie m'enquis pourquoy le fils du Soleil & de la Lune n'estoit pas luisant comme ses parents, ains noir & obscur; nous n'en sçauons rien, me firent ils, si nous auions esté au Ciel nous te respondrions. Au reste ils croyent qu'ils viẽt quelquefois en terre, & quand il se pourmene en leur pays, ils meurent en grand nõbre. Ie leur ay demandé s'ils n'auoiẽt point veu de Cometes, ces Estoilles à longue queuë, & ce que c'estoit; nous en auons veu, me dirent ils, c'est vn animal qui a vne grande queuë, 4. pieds, & une teste, nous voyons tous cela, disoiẽt-ils.

They believe that the February Moon is longer by several days than the others, and therefore they call it the great Moon. I asked them whence came the Eclipse of the Moon and of the Sun. They answered that the Moon was eclipsed, or appeared to be dark, because she held her son in her arms, which prevented her brightness from being seen. "If the Moon has a son, she is married, or has been," I told them. "Oh, yes," they replied, "the Sun is her husband, who walks all day, and she all night; and if he be eclipsed, or darkened, it is because he also sometimes takes the son which he has had by [97] the Moon, into his arms." "Yes, but neither the Moon nor the Sun has any arms," I answered them. "Thou hast no sense; they always hold their drawn bows before them, and that is why their arms do not appear." "And whom do they wish to shoot?" "Ah, how do we know?" I asked them what those spots meant that appear on the Moon. "Thou knowest nothing at all," they said; "it is a cap which covers her head, and not spots." I inquired why the son of the Sun and of the Moon was not bright like parents, but black and gloomy. "We do not know," said they; "if we had been in the Sky, we might answer thee." Furthermore, they think that he comes now and then upon earth; and, when he walks about in their country, many people die. I asked them if they had never seen Comets, those Stars with long tails, and what they were. "We have seen them," they answered; "it is an animal that has a long tail, 4 feet, and a head; we can see all that," they said.

224 Ie les interrogeay sur le tonnerre, ils me dirent qu'ils ne sçauoient pas quel animal c'estoit, qu'il mangeoit les serpents [98] & quelquefois les arbres, que les Hurons croyẽt que c'est vn oiseau fort grãd induit à cette creãce, par vn bruit sourd que fait vne espece d'hirondelle qui paroist icy l'Esté: Ie n'ay point veu de ces oiseaux en France, i'en ay tenu icy, il a le bec, & la teste, & la figure du corps, cõme vne hirondelle, sinõ qu'il est vn peu plus gros; il se pourmene le soir en l'air, faisant vn bruit pesãt par reprises. Les Hurons disent qu'il fait ce bruit du derriere, cõme aussi l'oiseau qu'ils pẽsent estre le tõnerre, & qu'il n'y a qu'vn seul hõme qui voye cét oiseau, & encore vne fois en sa vie; c'est ce que m'ẽ dit mõ vieillard.

I asked them about the thunder; they said that they did not know what animal it was; that it ate snakes, [98] and sometimes trees; that the Hurons believed it to be a very large bird. They were led to this belief by a hollow sound made by a kind of swallow which appears here in the Summer. I have not seen any of these birds in France, but have examined some of them here. They have a beak, a head, and a form like the swallow, except that they are a little larger; they fly about in the evening, repeatedly making a dull noise. The Hurons say that they make this noise from behind, as does also the bird which they think is the thunder; and that there is only one man who has seen this bird, and he only once in his lifetime. This is what my old man told me.

Voila vne partie de leurs superstitiõs; que de poussiere dedans leurs yeux, & qu'il y aura de peine à la faire sortir, pour leur faire voir le beau iour de la verité. Ie croy neãtmoins, que qui sçauroit parfaittement leur langue, pour les payer promptement de bonnes raisons, qu'ils se mocqueroient eux mesmes de leurs sottises: car par fois ie les rendois honteux & cõfus, quoy que ie ne parle quasi que par les mains, ie veux dire par signes.

These are some of their superstitions. How much dust there is in their eyes, and how much trouble there will be to remove it that they may see the beautiful light of truth! I believe, nevertheless, that any one who knew their language perfectly, in order to give them good reasons promptly, would soon make them laugh at their own stupidity; for sometimes I have made them ashamed and confused, although I speak almost entirely by my hands, I mean by signs.

Ie veux conclurre ce chapitre par vn estõnement; on se plaint en France d'vne [99] Messe, si elle passe vne demie heure; le Sermon limité d'vne heure semble par fois trop long, à peine exerce l'on ces actes de Religion vne fois la semaine, & ces pauures ignorants crient & hurlent à toute heure.

I am going to conclude this chapter with a surprise; they complain in France of a [99] Mass, if it lasts more than half an hour; a Sermon limited to an hour seems too long; those Religious services are performed hardly once a week; and yet those poor ignorant people cry and howl all the time.

Le Sorcier les assemble souuent en plein minuict, à deux heures, à trois heures du matin, dãs vn froid qui gele tout; iour & nuict il les tient en haleine, 226employans non vne ou deux heures, mais trois & quatre de suitte, à faire leurs deuotions ridicules. On fait sortir les pauures femmes de leurs Cabanes, se leuãts en pleine nuict, emportants leurs petits enfans parmy les neiges chez leurs voisins. Les hommes harassez du trauail du iour, ayant peu mangé & couru fort lõg temps, au moindre cry qu'on leur faict quittent leur sommeil, & s'en viennent promptement au lieu où se fait le Sabbat, & ce qui semblera au delà de toute creance. Ie n'ay iamais veu former aucune plainte parmy eux, ny aux femmes ny aux hommes, ny mesme aux enfans, chacun se montrant prompt & allaigre à la voix du Sorcier ou du jongleur, hélas! mon Dieu, les ames qui vous aiment seront [100] elles sans sentiment, voyants plus de passion pour des folies, que pour la verité? Belial est-il plus aimable que Iesvs? pourquoy dõc est-il plus ardãment aimé, obey plus promptement, & plus deuotement adoré? mais passons outre.

The Sorcerer often brings them together at midnight, or at two or three o'clock in the morning, in a cold which freezes everything. Day and night he holds them with bated breath, during not one nor two hours, but three or four in succession, to perform their ridiculous devotions. They make the poor women go out from their Cabins, rising at midnight and carrying their little children over the snow to their neighbors. Men, harassed by the work of the day, who have eaten but little and hunted a long time, at the first cry waken and promptly betake themselves to this Witches' Sabbath; and, what will seem beyond all belief, I have never known a single complaint to arise among them, neither among the women nor the men, nor even the children, each one showing himself prompt and glad to obey the voice of the Sorcerer or juggler. Alas, my God, will the souls that love you be [100] without feeling, when they see more zeal shown for folly than for truth? Is Belial more lovely than Jesus? Why then is he more ardently loved, more promptly obeyed, and more devotedly adored? But let us pass on.

228

CHAPITRE V.

DES CHOSES BONNES QUI SE TROUUENT DANS LES SAUUAGES.

SI nous commençons par les biens du corps, ie diray qu'ils les possedẽt auec auantage: ils sont grands, droicts, forts, bien proportionnez, agiles, rien d'effeminé ne paroist en eux. Ces petits Damoiseaux qu'õ voit ailleurs, ne sont que des hõmes en peinture, à comparaison de nos Sauuages. I'ay quasi creu autrefois que les Images des Empereurs Romains representoient plustost l'idée des peintres, que des hommes qui eussent iamais esté, tant leurs testes sont grosses & puissãtes, mais ie voy icy sur les épaules de ce peuple les testes de Iules Cesar, de Pompée, d'Auguste, d'Othon, & des autres que i'ay veu en France, tirées sur [101] le papier, ou releuées en des medailles.

CHAPTER V.

ON THE GOOD THINGS WHICH ARE FOUND AMONG THE SAVAGES.

IF we begin with physical advantages, I will say that they possess these in abundance. They are tall, erect, strong, well proportioned, agile; and there is nothing effeminate in their appearance. Those little Fops that are seen elsewhere are only caricatures of men, compared with our Savages. I almost believed, heretofore, that the Pictures of the Roman Emperors represented the ideal of the painters rather than men who had ever existed, so strong and powerful are their heads; but I see here upon the shoulders of these people the heads of Julius Cæsar, of Pompey, of Augustus, of Otho, and of others, that I have seen in France, drawn upon [101] paper, or in relief on medallions.

Pour l'esprit des Sauuages, il est de bõne trempe, ie croy que les ames sont toutes de mesme estoc, & qu'elles ne different point substantiellemẽt; c'est pourquoy ces barbares ayans vn corps bien fait, & les organes bien rangez & bien disposez, leur esprit doit operer auec facilité: la seule education & instruction leur mãque, leur ame est vn sol tres bon de sa nature, mais chargé de toutes les malices qu'vne terre delaissée depuis la naissance du mõde peut porter. Ie compare volõtiers nos Sauuages auec quelques 230villageois, pource que les vns & les autres sont ordinairement sans instruction; encore nos Paysans sont-ils precipuez en ce point: & neantmoins ie n'ay veu personne iusques icy de ceux qui sont venus en ces contrées, qui ne confesse & qui n'aduoüe franchement que les Sauuages ont plus d'esprit que nos paysans ordinaires.

As to the mind of the Savage, it is of good quality. I believe that souls are all made from the same stock, and that they do not materially differ; hence, these barbarians having well formed bodies, and organs well regulated and well arranged, their minds ought to work with ease. Education and instruction alone are lacking. Their soul is a soil which is naturally good, but loaded down with all the evils that a land abandoned since the birth of the world can produce. I naturally compare our Savages with certain villagers, because both are usually without education, though our Peasants are superior in this regard; and yet I have not seen any one thus far, of those who have come to this country, who does not confess and frankly admit that the Savages are more intelligent than our ordinary peasants.

De plus, si c'est vn grand bien d'estre deliuré d'vn grand mal, nos Sauuages sont heureux, car les deux tyrans qui donnent la gehenne & la torture à vn grand nombre de nos Europeans, ne regnent [102] point dans leurs grands bois, i'entends l'ambition & l'auarice; Comme ils n'ont ny police, ny charges, ny dignitez, ny commandement aucun, car ils n'obeyssent que par bien-veillance à leur Capitaine; aussi ne se tuẽt ils point pour entrer dãs les honneurs, d'ailleurs comme ils se contentent seulement de la vie, pas un d'eux ne se donne au Diable pour acquerir des richesses.

Moreover, if it is a great blessing to be free from a great evil, our Savages are happy; for the two tyrants who provide hell and torture for many of our Europeans, do not reign [102] in their great forests,—I mean ambition and avarice. As they have neither political organization, nor offices, nor dignities, nor any authority, for they only obey their Chief through good will toward him, therefore they never kill each other to acquire these honors. Also, as they are contented with a mere living, not one of them gives himself to the Devil to acquire wealth.

Ils font profession de ne se point fascher, non pour la beauté de la vertu, dõt ils n'ont pas seulemẽt le nom mais pour leur contentement & plaisir, ie veux dire, pours s'affranchir des amertumes que cause la fascherie. Le Sorcier me disoit vn iour, parlant d'vn de nos François, il n'a point d'esprit, il se fasche, pour moy rien n'est capable de m'alterer; que la famine nous presse, que mes plus proches passent en l'autre vie, que les Hiroquois nos ennemis massacrent nos gens, ie ne me fasche iamais, ce qu'il dit n'est pas article de foy; car comme il est plus superbe qu'aucun Sauuage, aussi l'ay ie veu plus souuent alteré que pas vn d'eux; vray est que bien souuent il se retenoit, & se commãdoit auec violence, notamment [103] quand ie mettois au iour ses niaseries. Ie n'ay 232 iamais veu qu'vn Sauuage prononcer cette parole, Ninichcatihin, ie suis fasché encore; ne la profera il qu'vne fois: mais i'aduertis qu'on prit garde à luy, car quand ces Barbares se faschent, ils sont dangereux & n'ont point de retenuë.

They make a pretence of never getting angry, not because of the beauty of this virtue, for which they have not even a name, but for their own contentment and happiness, I mean, to avoid the bitterness caused by anger. The Sorcerer said to me one day, speaking of one of our Frenchmen, "He has no sense, he gets angry; as for me, nothing can disturb me; let hunger oppress me, let my nearest relation pass to the other life, let the Hiroquois, our enemies, massacre our people, I never get angry." What he says is not an article of faith; for, as he is more haughty than any other Savage, so I have seen him oftener out of humor than any of them; it is true also that he often restrains and governs himself by force, especially [103] when I expose his foolishness. I have only heard one Savage pronounce this word, Ninichcatihin, "I am angry," and he only said it once. But I noticed that they kept their eyes on him, for when these Barbarians are angry, they are dangerous and unrestrained.

Qui fait profession de ne se point fascher, doit faire profession de patience; les Sauuages nous passent tellemẽt en ce poinct, que nous en deurions estre confus: ie les voyois dans leurs peines, dans leurs trauaux souffrir auec allegresse. Mon hoste admirant la multitude du peuple que ie luy disois estre en France, me demandoit si les hommes estoient bons, s'ils ne se faschoient point, s'ils estoiẽt patients. Ie n'ay rien veu de si patient qu'vn Sauuage malade; qu'on crie, qu'on tempeste, qu'õ saute, qu'on dãse, il ne se plaint quasi iamais. Ie me suis trouué auec eux en des dangers de grandement souffrir; ils me disoient nous serõs quelquefois deux iours, quelque fois trois sans manger, faute de viure, prends courage, Chihiné, aye l'ame dure resiste à la peine & au trauail, garde toy de la tristessé, autrement tu seras malade; regarde que nous ne laissons pas de rire, [104] quoy que nous mangions peu, vne chose presque seule les abbat, c'est quand ils voyent qu'il y a de la mort; car ils la craignẽt outre mesure; ostez cette apprehension aux Sauuages, ils supporteront toute sortes de mespris & d'incommoditez, & toutes sortes de trauaux & d'injures fort patiemmẽt: Ie produiray plusieurs exemples de tout cecy dans la suitte du temps, que ie reserue à la fin de ces chapitres.

Whoever professes not to get angry, ought also to make a profession of patience; the Savages surpass us to such an extent, in this respect, that we ought to be ashamed. I saw them, in their hardships and in their labors, suffer with cheerfulness. My host, wondering at the great number of people who I told him were in France, asked me if the men were good, if they did not become angry, if they were patient. I have never seen such patience as is shown by a sick Savage. You may yell, storm, jump, dance, and he will scarcely ever complain. I found myself, with them, threatened with great suffering; they said to me, "We shall be sometimes two days, sometimes three, without eating, for lack of food; take courage, Chihiné, let thy soul be strong to endure suffering and hardship; keep thyself from being sad, otherwise thou wilt be sick; see how we do not cease to laugh, [104] although we have little to eat." One thing alone casts them down,—it is when they see death, for they fear this beyond measure; take away this apprehension from the Savages, and they will endure all kinds of degradation and discomfort, and all kinds of trials and suffering very patiently. Later, I shall give several examples of this, which I am reserving for the end of these chapters.

Ils s'entraiment les vns les autres, & s'accordent admirablement bien; vous ne voyez point de disputes, de querelles, d'inimitiez, de reproches parmy eux, les 234 hõmes laissent la disposition du mesnage aux femmes sans les inquieter; elles coupent, elles tranchent, elles donnent comme il leur plaist, sans que le mary s'en fasche. Ie n'ay iamais veu mon hoste demãder à vne ieune femme estourdie qu'il tenoit auec soy, que deuenoiẽt les viures, quoy qu'ils diminuassẽt assez viste. Ie n'ay iamais oüy les femmes se plaindre de ce que l'on ne les inuitoit aux festins, que les hommes mangeoient les bons morceaux, qu'elles trauailloient incessamment, allans querir le bois pour le chauffage: faisants les Cabanes, passans les peaux, & s'occupans en [105] d'autres œuures assez penibles, chacun fait son petit affaire doucement, & paisiblement sans dispute. Il est vray neantmoins qu'ils n'ont point de douceur ny de courtoisie en leurs paroles, & qu'vn François ne sçauroit prendre l'accent, le ton & l'aspreté de leur voix à moins que de se mettre en cholere, eux cependant ne s'y mettrent pas.

They are very much attached to each other, and agree admirably. You do not see any disputes, quarrels, enmities, or reproaches among them. Men leave the arrangement of the household to the women, without interfering with them; they cut, and decide, and give away as they please, without making the husband angry. I have never seen my host ask a giddy young woman that he had with him what became of the provisions, although they were disappearing very fast. I have never heard the women complain because they were not invited to the feasts, because the men ate the good pieces, or because they had to work continually,—going in search of the wood for the fire, making the Houses, dressing the skins, and busying themselves in [105] other very laborious work. Each one does her own little tasks, gently and peacefully, without any disputes. It is true, however, that they have neither gentleness nor courtesy in their utterance; and a Frenchman could not assume the accent, the tone, and the sharpness of their voices without becoming angry, yet they do not.

Ils ne sont point vindicatifs entr'eux, si bien enuers leurs ennemis. Ie coucheray icy vn exẽple capable de confondre plusieurs Chrestiens. Dans les pressures de nostre famine, vn ieune Sauuage d'vn autre quartier nous vint voir, il estoit aussi affamé que nous; le iour qu'il vint fut vn iour de ieusne pour luy & pour nous, car il ny auoit dequoy manger: le lendemain nos chasseurs ayãs pris quelques Castors, on fit festin auquel il fut très biẽ traitté, on luy dit en outre qu'õ auoit veu les pistes d'vn Orignac, & qu'on l'iroit chasser le lendemain; on l'inuita à demeurer, & qu'il en auroit sa part, luy respõdit qu'il ne pouuoit estre dauantage; s'estant doncques enquis du lieu où étoit la beste, il s'ẽ retourna: Nos Chasseurs ayans trouué & tué le lendemain [106] cest Elan, l'enseuelirent 236 dãs la neige, selon leur coustume, pour l'enuoyer querir au iour suiuãt. Or pendãt la nuict mon ieune Sauuage cherche si biẽ, qu'il trouue la beste morte, & en enleue vne bõne partie sans dire mot, le larcin connu par nos gens, ils n'entrerent point en des furies, ne donnerent aucune malediction au voleur; toute leur cholere fut de se gausser de luy, & cependãt c'estoit presque nous oster la vie, que de nous dérober nos viures, car nous n'en pouuions recouurer. A quelque temps de là, ce voleur nous vint voir, ie luy voulus representer la laideur de son crime, mon hoste m'imposa silence, & ce pauure hõme rejettant son larcin sur les chiens, nõ seulement fut excusé, mais encore receu pour demeurer auec nous dans vne mesme Cabane. Il s'en alla donc querir sa femme, qu'il apporta sur son dos, car elle a les iambes sans mouuement; & vne ieune parente qui demeure auec luy apporta son petit fils, & tous quatre prirent place en nostre petit todis, sans que iamais on leur aye reproché ce larcin, ains au contraire on leur a tesmoigné tres-bõ visage, & les a-on traittez comme [107] ceux de la maison. Dites à vn Sauuage, qu'vn autre Sauuage a dit pis que pendre de luy, il baissera la teste, & ne dira mot: s'ils se rencõtrent par apres tous, ils ne feront nõ plus de semblant de cela, comme si riẽ n'auoit esté dit, ils se traitteront comme freres, ils n'ont point de fiel enuers leur nation.

They are not vindictive among themselves, although they are toward their enemies. I will here give an example that ought to confound many Christians. In the stress of our famine, a young Savage from another quarter came to see us, who was as hungry as we were. The day on which he came was a day of fasting for him and for us, for there was nothing to eat. The next day, our hunters having taken a few Beavers, a feast was made, at which he was well treated; he was told besides that the trail of a Moose had been seen, and that they were going to hunt for it the next day; he was invited to remain and to have his share of it; he answered that he could stay no longer, and, having inquired about the place where the animal was, he went away. Our Hunters, having found and killed this Elk the [106] next day, buried it in the snow, according to their custom, to send for it on the following day. Now, during the night, my young Savage searched so well, that he found the dead beast, and took away a good part of it without saying a word. When the theft became known to our people, they did not get into a rage and utter maledictions against the thief,—all their anger consisted in sneering at him; and yet this was almost taking away our life, this stealing our food when we were unable to obtain any more. Some time afterward, this thief came to see us; I wanted to represent to him the seriousness of his offence, but my host imposed silence; and when this poor man attributed his theft to the dogs, he was not only excused, but even received to live with us in the same Cabin. Then he went for his wife, whom he carried upon his back, for her legs are paralyzed; a young female relative who lives with him brought his little son; and all four took their places in our little hut, without ever being reproached for this theft; on the contrary they were received very kindly, and were treated as if [107] belonging to the family. Tell a Savage that another Savage has slandered him, and he will bow the head and not say a word; if they meet each other afterward, they will pretend not to know anything about it, acting as if nothing had been said. They treat each other as brothers; they harbor no spite against those of their own nation.

Ils sont fort liberaux entr'eux, voire ils font estat de ne riẽ aimer, de ne point s'attacher aux biẽs de la terre, afin de ne se point attrister s'ils les perdẽt. Vn chiẽ dechira n'a pas longtemps vne belle robe de Castor à vn Sauuage, il estoit le premier à s'en rire; l'vne de leurs grãdes injures parmy eux, c'est de dire cét 238 homme aime tout, il est auare: si vous leur refusez quelque chose, voicy leur reproche, comme ie remarquay l'an passé, Khisakhitan SaKhita, tu aime cela, aime le tant que tu voudras: ils n'ouurent point la main à demy quand ils donnent, ie dis entr'eux, car ils sont ingrats au possible enuers les estrangers. Vous leur verrez nourrir leurs parents, les enfans de leurs amis, des femmes vefues, des orphelins, des vieillards, sans iamais leur rien reprocher, leur donnans abondamment [108] quelquefois des Originaux tous entiers; c'est veritablement vne marque d'vn bon cœur, & d'vne ame genereuse.

They are very generous among themselves and even make a show of not loving anything, of not being attached to the riches of the earth, so that they may not grieve if they lose them. Not long ago a dog tore a beautiful Beaver robe belonging to one of the Savages, and he was the first one to laugh about it. One of the greatest insults that can be offered to them, is to say, "That man likes everything, he is stingy." If you refuse them anything, here is their reproach, as I remarked last year: Khisakhitan Sakhita, "Thou lovest that, love it as much as thou wilt." They do not open the hand half-way when they give,—I mean among themselves, for they are as ungrateful as possible toward strangers. You will see them take care of their kindred, the children of their friends, widows, orphans, and old men, never reproaching them in the least, giving them abundantly, [108] sometimes whole Moose. This is truly the sign of a good heart and of a generous soul.

Comme il y a plusieurs orphelins parmy ce peuple; car depuis qu'ils se sont adonnez aux boissons de vin & d'eau de vie, ils meurent en grand nõbre; ces pauures enfans sont dispersez dans les Cabanes de leurs oncles, de leurs tantes, ou autres parents, ne pensez pas qu'on les rabrouë, qu'on leur reproche qu'ils mãgent les viures de la maison, rien de tout cela, on les traitte comme les enfans du pere de famille, ou du moins peu s'en faut, on les habille le mieux qu'on peut.

As there are many orphans among these people,—for they die in great numbers since they are addicted to drinking wine and brandy,—these poor children are scattered among the Cabins of their uncles, aunts, or other relatives. Do not suppose that they are snubbed and reproached because they eat the food of the household. Nothing of the kind, they are treated the same as the children of the father of the family, or at least almost the same, and are dressed as well as possible.

Ils ne sont point delicats en leurs viures, en leur coucher, & en leurs habits, mais ils ne sont pas nets; Iamais ils ne se plaignent de ce qu'on leur donne, qu'il soit froid, qu'il soit chaud, il n'importe, quand la chaudiere est cuitte, on la partage sans attẽdre personne, non pas mesme le maistre de la maison, on luy garde sa part qu'on luy presente toute froide. Ie n'ay point oüy plaindre mon hoste de ce que l'on ne l'attendoit pas, n'estant qu'à deux pas de la Cabane. Ils couchẽt sur la terre bien souuent; à l'enseigne des [109] estoiles. Ils passerõt vn iour, deux & trois 240 iours sans manger, ne laissans pas de ramer, chasser, & se peiner tant qu'ils peuuent. L'on verra dans la suite de cette relation, que tout ce que i'ay dit en ce chapitre est tres-veritable, & neãtmoins ie n'oserois asseurer que i'aye veu exercer aucun acte de vraye vertu morale à vn Sauuage: Ils n'ont que leur seul plaisir & contentement en veuë, adjoustez la crainte de quelque blasme, & la gloire de paroistre bons chasseurs; voila tout ce qui les meut dans leurs operations.

They are not fastidious in their food, beds, and clothes, but are very slovenly. They never complain of what is given them; if it be cold, if it be warm, it does not matter. When the food is cooked, it is divided without waiting for any one, not even the master of the house; a share is reserved for him, which is given to him cold. I have never heard my host complain because they did not wait for him, if he were only a few steps from the Cabin. They often sleep upon the ground, at the sign of the [109] stars. They will pass one, two, and three days without eating, not ceasing to row, hunt, and fatigue themselves as much as they can. It will be seen in the course of this relation, that all I have said in this chapter is very true; and yet I would not dare to assert that I have seen one act of real moral virtue in a Savage. They have nothing but their own pleasure and satisfaction in view. Add to this the fear of being blamed, and the glory of seeming to be good hunters, and you have all that actuates them in their transactions.

242

CHAPITRE VI.

DE LEURS VICES & DE LEURS IMPERFECTIONS.

LES Sauuages estans remplis d'erreurs, les õt aussi de superbe & d'orgueil. L'humilité naist de la verité la vanité de l'erreur & du mensonge; ils sont vuides de la connoissance de la verité, & par consequent tres remplis d'eux mesmes. Ils s'imaginent que par droit de naissance ils doiuent ioüir de la liberté de asnons Sauuages, ne rendant aucune subiection à qui que ce soit, sinon quand il leur plaist: Ils m'ont reproché cent fois que nous [110] craignõs nos Capitaines, mais pour eux qu'ils se mocquoient & se gaussoient des leur: toute l'authorité de leur chef est au bout de ses leures, il est aussi puissant qu'il est eloquent; & quand il s'est tué de parler & de haranguer, il ne sera pas obey s'il ne plaist au Sauuages.

CHAPTER VI.

ON THEIR VICES AND THEIR IMPERFECTIONS.

THE Savages, being filled with errors, are also haughty and proud. Humility is born of truth, vanity of error and falsehood. They are void of the knowledge of truth, and are in consequence, mainly occupied with thought of themselves. They imagine that they ought by right of birth, to enjoy the liberty of Wild ass colts, rendering no homage to any one whomsoever, except when they like. They have reproached me a hundred times because we [110] fear our Captains, while they laugh at and make sport of theirs. All the authority of their chief is in his tongue's end; for he is powerful in so far as he is eloquent; and, even if he kills himself talking and haranguing, he will not be obeyed unless he pleases the Savages.

Ie ne crois pas qu'il y aye de nation sous le ciel plus mocqueuse & plus gausseuse que la nation des Montagnais, leur vie se passe à manger, à rire, & à railler les vns des autres, & de tous les peuples qu'ils cognoissent; ils n'ont rien de serieux, sinon par fois l'exterieur faisans parmy nous les graues & les retenus: mais entr'eux sont de vrais badins, de vrais enfans qui ne demandent qu'à rire. Ie les [c]achois quelquefois vn petit, notamment le Sorcier, les appellant des enfans, leurs tesmoignãs que ie ne pouuois asseoir aucun jugement asseuré sur toutes leurs responses; car si ie leur demandois d'vn, ils me disoient 244 d'autre, pour trouuer suiet de rire & de gausser: & par consequent ie ne pouuois connoistre quand ils parloient serieusement, ou quand ils se mocquoient. La conclusion ordinaire de leurs discours & de leurs entretiens, est en verité nous nous sommes [111] bien mocquez d'vn tel.

I do not believe that there is a nation under heaven more given to sneering and bantering than that of the Montagnais. Their life is passed in eating, laughing, and making sport of each other, and of all the people they know. There is nothing serious about them, except occasionally, when they make a pretense among us of being grave and dignified; but among themselves they are real buffoons and genuine children, who ask only to laugh. Sometimes I annoyed them a little, especially the Sorcerer, by calling them children, and showing them that I never could place any reliance upon all their answers; because, if I questioned them about one thing, they told me about something else, only to get something to laugh and jest about; and consequently I could not know when they were speaking seriously, or when they were jesting. The usual conclusion of their discourses and conversations is: "Really, we did make [111] a great deal of sport of such and such a one."

I'ay fait voir dans mes lettres precedentes combien les Sauuages sont vindicatifs enuers leurs ennemis, auec quelle rage & quelle cruauté ils les traittent, les mageants apres leur auoir fait souffrir tout ce qu'vn demon incarné pourroit inuenter, cette fureur est commune aux femmes, aussi bien qu'aux hommes; voire mesme elles les surpassent en ce poinct. I'ay dit qu'ils mangent les poux qu'ils trouuent sur eux, non pour aucun goust qu'ils y trouuẽt, mais pource qu'ils veulent mordre ceux qui les mordent.

I have shown in my former letters how vindictive the Savages are toward their enemies, with what fury and cruelty they treat them, eating them after they have made them suffer all that an incarnate fiend could invent. This fury is common to the women as well as to the men, and they even surpass the latter in this respect. I have said that they eat the lice they find upon themselves, not that they like the taste of them, but because they want to bite those that bite them.

Ce peuple est fort peu touché de compassion, quand quelqu'vn est malade dans leurs Cabanes, ils ne laissent pas pour l'ordinaire de crier, de tempester, & de faire autant de bruit, cõme si tout le monde estoit en santé; ils ne sçauent que c'est de prendre soin d'vn pauure malade, & de luy donner des viandes qui luy sont bonnes: s'il demande à boire, on luy en donne, s'il demande à manger, on luy en presente, sinon on le laisse là: de l'inuiter auec amour & charité, c'est vn langage qu'ils n'entendent pas; tant qu'vn malade pourra manger, ils le porteront [112] ou le traisneront auec eux; cesse-il de manger, ils croient que c'est fait de sa vie, ils le mettent à mort, tant pour le deliurer du mal qu'il endure, que pour se soulager de la peine qu'ils ont de le porter quand ils vont en quelqu'autre endroit. I'ay admiré auec cõpassion la patiẽce des malades que j'ay veu parmi eux.

These people are very little moved by compassion. When any one is sick in their Cabins, they ordinarily do not cease to cry and storm, and make as much noise as if everybody were in good health. They do not know what it is to take care of a poor invalid, and to give him the food which is good for him; if he asks for something to drink, it is given to him, if he asks for something to eat, it is given to him, but otherwise he is neglected; to coax him with love and gentleness, is a language which they do not understand. As long as a patient can eat, they will carry [112] or drag him with them; if he stops eating, they believe that it is all over with him and kill him, as much to free him from the sufferings that he is enduring, as to relieve themselves of the trouble of taking him with them when they go to some other place. I have both admired and pitied the patience of the invalids whom I have seen among them.

246 Les Sauuages sont mesdisants au de là de ce qu'on en peut penser; ie dis mesme les vns des autres, ils n'espargnent pas leurs plus proches: ils sont auec cela fort dissimulez; car si l'vn médit d'vn autre, il s'en mocquent à gorge desploiée: si l'autre paroist là dessus, il luy tesmoignera autant d'affection, & le traittera auec autant d'amour, comme s'il l'auoit mis iusques au troisiesme ciel à force de le loüer. La raison de cecy prouient à mon aduis de ce que leurs detractions & mocqueries, ne sortent point d'vn cœur enfielé, ny d'vne bouche empestée, mais d'vne ame qui dit ce qu'elle pense pour se donner carriere: & qui veut tirer du contentement de tout, voire mesme des mesdisances, & des gausseries: c'est pourquoy ils ne se troublent point; quoy qu'on leur die que d'autres se sont mocqués [113] d'eux, ou qu'ils ont blessé leur renõmée: tout ce qu'ils repartent ordinairement à ces discours, c'est mama irinisiou, il n'a point d'esprit, il ne sçait ce qu'il dit: & à la premiere occasion ils payeront leur detracteur en mesme monnoye, luy rendants le reciproque.

The Savages are slanderous beyond all belief; I say, also among themselves, for they do not even spare their nearest relations, and with it all they are deceitful. For, if one speaks ill of another, they all jeer with loud laughter; if the other appears upon the scene, the first one will show him as much affection and treat him with as much love, as if he had elevated him to the third heaven by his praise. The reason of this is, it seems to me, that their slanders and derision do not come from malicious hearts or from infected mouths, but from a mind which says what it thinks in order to give itself free scope, and which seeks gratification from everything, even from slander and mockery. Hence they are not troubled even if they are told that others are making sport of [113] them, or have injured their reputation. All they usually answer to such talk is, mama irinisiou, "He has no sense, he does not know what he is talking about;" and at the first opportunity they will pay their slanderer in the same coin, returning him the like.

La menterie est aussi naturelle aux Sauuages que la parole, non pas entr'eux, mais enuers les estrangers: en suitte dequoy l'on peut dire, que la crainte & l'espoir, en vn mot, que l'interest est la mesure de leur fidelité, ie ne me voudrois cõfier en eux qu'autãt qu'ils craindroient d'estre punis s'ils manquoient à leur deuoir, ou qu'ils espereroient d'estre recompensés s'ils estoient fideles. Ils ne sçauent que c'est d'estre secrets, de tenir leur parole, & d'aimer auec constance; notamment ceux qui ne sont pas de leur nation, car ils sont de bon accord parmy eux, & leurs mesdisances & railleries, n'alterent point leur paix, & leur bonne intelligence.

Lying is as natural to Savages as talking, not among themselves, but to strangers. Hence it can be said that fear and hope, in one word, interest, is the measure of their fidelity. I would not be willing to trust them, except as they would fear to be punished if they failed in their duty, or hoped to be rewarded if they were faithful to it. They do not know what it is to keep a secret, to keep their word, and to love with constancy,—especially those who are not of their nation, for they are harmonious among themselves, and their slanders and raillery do not disturb their peace and friendly intercourse.

248

Ie diray en passant que les Sauuages Montagnais ne sont point larrons, l'entrée leur est libre dans les demeures des François, parce qu'ils ont la main seure: [114] mais pour les Hurons, si on auoit autant d'yeux qu'ils ont de doigts aux mains, encore ne les empescheroit-on pas de dérober, car ils dérobent auec les pieds: ils font profession de ce mestier, & en suitte d'estre battus si on les descouure. Car cõme i'ay desia remarqué, ils porteront les coups que vous leur donnerez patiemment; non pas en reconnoissance de leur peché, mais en punition de leur stupidité, s'estans laissez surprendre en leur larcin. Ie laisseray à parler d'eux aux Peres qui les sont allez voir, dont i'enuierois la condition, n'estoit que celuy qui nous assigne nos departemẽs est toujours aimable, & toujours adorable, quelque part ou portiõ qu'il nous dõne.

I will say in passing that the Montagnais Savages are not thieves. The doors of the French are open to them, because their hands can be trusted; [114] but, as to the Hurons, if a person had as many eyes as they have fingers on their hands, he could not prevent them from stealing, for they steal with their feet. They make a profession of this art, and expect to be beaten if they are discovered. For, as I have already remarked, they will endure the blows which you give them, patiently, not as an acknowledgment of their fault, but as a punishment for their stupidity in allowing themselves to be detected in their theft. I will leave the description of them to our Fathers who are going there, whose lot I would envy, were it not that he who assigns us our departments is always worthy of love and always adorable, whatever part or portion he may give us.

Il est du manger parmy les Sauuages, comme du boire parmy les yurognes d'Europe: ces ames seiches & toujours alterées, expireroient volõtiers dãs vne cuue de maluoisie, & les Sauuages dans vne marmite pleine de viande; ceux-là ne parlent que de boire, & ceux cy que de manger. C'est faire vne espece d'affront à vn Sauuage, de refuser les morceaux qu'il presente. Vn certain voyant que i'auois remercié mon hoste, qui me [115] presentoit à manger, me dit, tu ne l'aime pas, puis que tu l'esconduits: Ie luy dis que nostre coustume n'estoit pas de mãger à toutes heures, que neantmoins ie prendrois ce qu'il me donneroit, pourueu qu'il ne m'en donnast guieres souuent. Ils se mirẽt tous à rire, & vne vieille me dit, que si ie voulois estre aimé de leur nation, il falloit que ie mangeasse beaucoup. Quand vous les traittez 250 biẽ, ils témoignent le contentement qu'ils prennent en vostre festin par ces paroles tapoué nimitison, en verité ie mange: comme si leur souuerain contentement estoit en cette action: & à la fin du banquet, ils diront pour action de graces, tapoué nikhispoun, veritablemẽt ie suis saoul; c'est à dire, tu m'as bien traitté, i'en ay iusques à creuer; i'ay desia me semble remarqué cecy. Ils croyent que c'est bestise & stupidité de refuser: le plus grãd cõtentement qu'ils puissent auoir en leur Paradis, qui est le ventre. Ie m'écrierois volõtiers, ô iuste iugement de Dieu, que ce peuple qui met sa derniere fin à mãger soit tousiours affamé, & ne soit point repeu que comme les chiens, car leurs festins les plus splendides ne sont pour [116] ainsi dire, que les os & les reliefs des tables d'Europe; La premiere action qu'ils font le matin à leur resueil, c'est d'estendre le bras à leur escuelle d'escorce garnie de chair, & puis de manger. Au commencemẽt que ie fus auec eux, ie voulus introduire la coustume de prier Dieu deuant que de manger & de fait ie donnois la benedictiõ quand ils le vouloiẽt faire: mais l'Apostat me dit, si vous voulez prier autant de fois qu'on mangera dans la Cabane, preparés vous à dire vostre Benedicite plus de vingt fois auant la nuict. Ils finissent le iour comme ils le commencent, ils ont encore le morceau à la bouche, ou le calumet pour petuner, quand ils mettent la teste sur le cheuet pour reposer.

Eating among the Savages is like drinking among the drunkards of Europe. Those dry and ever-thirsty souls would willingly end their lives in a tub of malmsey, and the Savages in a pot full of meat; those over there, talk only of drinking, and these here only of eating. It is giving a sort of insult to a Savage to refuse the pieces which he offers you. A certain one, seeing that I had declined what my host [115] offered me to eat, said to me, "Thou dost not love him, since thou refusest him." I told him that it was not our custom to eat at all hours; but, nevertheless, I would take what he would give me, if he did not give it to me quite so often. They all began to laugh; and an old woman said to me that, if I wished to be loved by their tribe, I must eat a great deal. When you treat them well, they show their satisfaction with your feast in these words, tapoué nimitison, "I am really eating," as if their highest content were in this action; and at the end of the banquet, they will say as an act of thanks, tapoué nikhispoun, "I am really full;" meaning, "Thou hast treated me well; I am full to bursting." It seems to me that I have spoken of this before. They believe that it is foolish and stupid to refuse; the greatest satisfaction that they can have in their Paradise is in the stomach. I do not hesitate to exclaim: Oh, how just is the judgment of God, that these people, who place their ultimate happiness in eating, are always hungry, and are only fed like dogs; for their most splendid feastings are, [116] so to speak, only the bones and the leavings of the tables of Europe! Their first act, upon awakening in the morning, is to stretch out their arms toward their bark dish full of meat, and then to eat. When I first began to stay with them, I tried to introduce the custom of praying to God before eating, and in fact I pronounced a blessing when they wanted it done. But the Apostate said to me, "If you want to pray as many times as they will eat in your Cabin, prepare to say your Benedicite more than twenty times before night." They end the day as they begin it, always with a morsel in their mouths, or with their pipes to smoke when they lay their heads on the pillow to rest.

Les Sauuages ont tousiours esté gourmands, mais depuis la venuë des Europeans, ils sont deuenus tellement yurognes, qu'encore qu'ils voyent bien que ces nouuelles boissons de vin & d'eau de vie, qu'on leur apporte depeuplẽt leurs pays, & qu'eux mesmes s'en 252 plaignent; ils ne sçauroient s'abstenir de boire, faisants gloire de s'enyurer, & d'enyurer les autres. Il est vray qu'ils meurẽt en grand [117] nombre, mais ie m'estonne encore comme ils peuuent si long temps resister, car donnez à deux Sauuages deux & trois bouteilles d'eau de vie, ils s'asseoiront, & sans manger boirõt l'vn apres l'autre, iusques à ce qu'ils les ayent vuidées. La compagnie de ces Messieurs est merueilleusement loüable, de defendre la traitte de ces boissons. Monsieur de Champlain fait tres sagement de tenir la main que ces deffences soient gardées. I'ay appris que Mõsieur le General du Plessis les a fait obseruer à Tadoussac. On m'auoit dit que les Sauuages estoient assez chastes, ie ne parleray pas de tous, ne les ayãt pas tous frequentez, mais ceux que i'ay conuersez sont fort lubriques, & hõmes & femmes. Dieu quel aueuglemẽt? quel bõ-heur du peuple Chrestien? que le chastiement de ces Barbares! au lieu que par admiratiõ nous disons assés souuent, Iesvs qu'est cela! mon Dieu qui a fait cela? ces vilains & ces infames prononcent les parties des-honnestes de l'homme & de la femme. Ils ont incessamment la bouche puante de ces ordures, & mesmes iusques aux petits enfãts, aussi leur disois-je par fois, que si les [118] pourceaux & les chiens sçauoient parler, ils tiendroient leur langage. Il est vray que si l'impudique Sorcier ne fust pas venu dãs la Cabane où i'estois, i'auois gaigné cela sur mes gens, qu'aucun n'osoit parler des choses des-honnestes en ma presence, mais cét impudent authorisoit les autres. Les femmes vn peu âgées se chauffent presque toutes nuës, les filles & les ieunes femmes, sont à l'exterieur tres-honnestement couuertes, mais entre elles 254 leur disscours sont puants, comme des cloaques. Il faut neãtmoins aduouër que si la liberté de se gorger de ces immondices estoit parmy quelques Chrestiens, cõme elle est parmy ces peuples, on verroit bien d'autres monstres d'excez qu'on ne voit pas icy; veu mesme que nonobstant les loix Diuines & humaines, la dissolution y marche plus à descouuert que non pas icy. Car les yeux n'y sont point offensez. Le seul Sorcier a fait en ma presence quelque action brutale, les autres battoient seulement mes oreilles, mais s'apperceuants que ie les entendois, ils en estoient honteux.

The Savages have always been gluttons, but since the coming of the Europeans they have become such drunkards, that,—although they see clearly that these new drinks, the wine and brandy, which are brought to them, are depopulating their country, of which they themselves complain,—they cannot abstain from drinking, taking pride in getting drunk and in making others drunk. It is true that they die in great [117] numbers; but I am astonished that they can resist it as long as they do. For, give two Savages two or three bottles of brandy, they will sit down and, without eating, will drink, one after the other, until they have emptied them. The company of these Gentlemen is remarkably praiseworthy in forbidding the traffic in these liquors. Monsieur de Champlain very wisely takes care that these restrictions are observed, and I have heard that Monsieur the General du Plessis has had them enforced at Tadoussac.19 I have been told that the Savages are tolerably chaste. I shall not speak of all, not having been among them all; but those whom I have met are very lewd, both men and women. God! what blindness! How great is the happiness of Christian people! How great the chastisement of these Barbarians! In place of saying, as we do very often, through wonder, "Jesus! what is that? My God! who has done that?" these vile and infamous people pronounce the names of the private parts of man and woman. Their lips are constantly foul with these obscenities; and it is the same with the little children. So I said to them, at one time, that if [118] hogs and dogs knew how to talk, they would adopt their language. Indeed, if the shameless Sorcerer had not come into the Cabin where I was, I should have gained thus much from my people, that not one of them would dare to speak of impure things in my presence; but this impertinent fellow ruled the others. The older women go almost naked, the girls and young women are very modestly clad; but, among themselves, their language has the foul odor of the sewers. It must be admitted, however, that if liberty to gorge oneself in such filth existed among some Christians, as it does among these people, one would see very different exhibitions of excess from what are seen here; for, even despite the laws, both Divine and human, dissoluteness strides more openly there than here. For here the eyes are not offended. The Sorcerer alone has been guilty of any brutal action in my presence; the others only offended my ears, but, perceiving that I heard them, they were ashamed.

Or comme ces peuples connoissent bien cette corruption, ils prennent plustost [119] les enfans de leurs sœurs pour heritiers, que leurs propres enfans, ou de leurs freres, reuoquans en doute la fidelité de leurs femmes, & ne pouuãts douter que ces nepueux ne soient tirez de leur sang, aussi parmy les Hurons, qui sont plus sales que nos Montagnais; pource qu'ils sont mieux nourris, l'enfant d'vn Capitaine ne succede pas à son pere, mais le fils de sa sœur.

Now, as these people are well aware of this corruption, they prefer to take [119] the children of their sisters as heirs, rather than their own, or than those of their brothers, calling in question the fidelity of their wives, and being unable to doubt that these nephews come from their own blood. Also among the Hurons,—who are more licentious than our Montagnais, because they are better fed,—it is not the child of a Captain but his sister's son, who succeeds the father.

Le Sorcier me disant vn iour que les femmes l'aimoient, car au dire des Sauuages, c'est son genie que de se faire aimer de ce sexe. Ie luy dis que cela n'estoit pas beau qu'vne femme aimast vn autre que son mary; & que ce mal estãt parmy eux, luy mesme n'estoit pas asseuré, que son fils qui estoit là present, fut son fils. Il me repartit, tu n'as point d'esprit: vous autres François vous n'aimez que vos propres enfans, mais nous, nous cherissons vniuersellement tous les enfans de nostre nation, ie me mis à rire, voyant qu'il philosophoit en cheual & en mulet.

The Sorcerer told me one day that the women were fond of him, for, as the Savages say, it is his demon that makes the sex love him. I told him that it was not honorable for a woman to love any one else except her husband; and that, this evil being among them, he himself was not sure that his son, who was there present, was his son. He replied, "Thou hast no sense. You French people love only your own children; but we all love all the children of our tribe." I began to laugh, seeing that he philosophized in horse and mule fashion.

Apres toutes ces belles qualitez, les Sauuages en 256 ont encore vne autre plus onereuse que celles dont nous auons parlé, mais non pas si meschante; c'est [120] leur importunité enuers les estrangers. I'ay coustume d'appeller ces cõtrées lá, le pays d'importunité enuers les estrangers, pource que les mouches, qui en sont le symbole, & le hierogliphique, ne vous laissent reposer ny iour ny nuict: pendant quelques mois de l'Esté, elles nous assaillent auec telle furie, & si continuellement, qu'il n'y a peau qui soit à l'espreuue de leur aiguillõ: tout le monde leur paye de son sang pour tribut. I'ay veu des personnes si enflées apres leurs picqueures, qu'on croyoit qu'ils perdroient les yeux, qui ne paroissoient quasi plus: or tout cela n'est rien, car enfin cette importunité se chasse auec de la fumée, que les mouches ne sçauroient supporter, mais ce remede attire les Sauuages: s'ils sçauent l'heure de vostre disner, ils viẽnent tout exprez pour auoir à manger, ils demandẽt incessamment, mais auec des presses si reïterées, que vous diriez qu'ils vous tiennent tousiours à la gorge: faites leur voir quoy que ce soit, s'il est tant soit peu à leur vsage: ils vous diront l'aime tu? donne le moy.

With all these fine qualities, the Savages have another, more annoying than those of which we have spoken, but not so wicked; it is [120] their importunity toward strangers. I have a habit of calling these countries, "the land of importunity toward strangers," because the flies, which are the symbol and visible representation of it, do not let you rest day or night. During certain Summer months, they attack us with such fury, and so continually, that no skin is proof against their sting, and every one pays his blood as tribute. I have seen persons so swollen after being stung by them, that one would think they would lose their eyes, which can scarcely be seen; now all that is nothing, for this annoyance can be dispelled by means of smoke, which the flies cannot stand, but this remedy attracts the Savages,—if they know our dinner hour, they come purposely to get something to eat. They ask continually, and with such incessant urgency, that you would say that they are always holding you by the throat. If you show them anything whatever, however little it may be adapted to their use, they will say, "Dost thou love it? Give it to me."

Vn certain me disoit vn iour, qu'en son [121] pays on ne sçauoit point conjuguer le verbe do, au present, encore moins au preterit: les Sauuages ignorent tellemẽt cette coniugaison, qu'ils ne vous donneroient point la valeur d'vne obole, s'ils ne croient, pour ainsi dire, retirer vne pistole; ils sont ingrats au dernier point.

A certain man said to me one day, that in his [121] country they did not know how to conjugate the verb do, in the present, and still less in the past. The Savages are so ignorant of this conjugation, that they would not give you the value of an obole,20 if they did not expect, so to speak, to get back a pistole; for they are ungrateful in the highest degree.

Nous auons icy tenu & nourry fort long temps nostre Sauuage malade, qui se vint ietter entre nos bras pour mourir Chrestien, cõme i'ay remarqué cy-dessus: tous ces cõpatriottes estoient estõnez du bon 258 traittement que nous luy faisions, ses enfants en sa consideration, apporterent vn peu de chair d'Elan; on leur demanda ce qu'ils vouloient en eschange, car les presents des Sauuages sont des marchez: ils demanderent du vin & de la poudre à Canon, on leur repart qu'on ne leur en pouuoit donner; que s'ils vouloient autre chose que nous eussions, on leur donneroit tres volontiers, on leur donna fort bien à manger, & pour conclusion ils remporterẽt leurs viandes, puisqu'on ne leur donnoit ce qu'ils demandoient, menaçant qu'ils viendroient requerir leur pere, ce qu'ils firent; mais le bon hõme ne voulut pas [122] nous quitter; de cét échantillon, iugez de la piece.

We have kept here and fed for a long time our sick Savage, who came and threw himself into our arms in order to die a Christian, as I have stated above. All his fellow-savages were astonished at the good treatment we gave him; on his account, his children brought a little Elk meat, and they were asked what they wished in exchange, for the presents of the Savages are always bargains. They asked some wine and Gunpowder, and were told that we could not give them these things; but that, if they wished something else that we had, we would give it to them very gladly. A good meal was given them, and finally they carried back their meat, since we did not give them what they asked for, threatening that they would come after their father, which they did; but the good man did not wish [122] to leave us. From this sample, judge of the whole piece.

Or ne pensez pas qu'ils se comportent ainsi entr'eux, au contraire, ils sont tres reconnoissants, tres liberaux, & nullement importuns enuers ceux de leur nation. S'ils se cõportent ainsi enuers nos François, & enuers les autres estrangers, c'est à mon aduis que nous ne voulons pas nous allier auec eux comme freres, ce qu'ils souhaitteroient grandement; mais ce seroit nous perdre en trois iours: cars ils voudroient que nous allassions auec eux manger de leurs viures tant qu'ils en auroient, & ils viendroiẽt aussi manger les nostres tãt qu'ils dureroiẽt: & quand il n'y en auroit plus, nous nous metterions tous à en chercher d'autres. Voila leur vie qu'ils passent en festins pendãt qu'ils ont dequoy; mais comme nous n'entendons rien à leur chasse, & que ce procedé n'est pas loüable, on ne veut pas leur prester l'oreille. C'est pourquoy ne nous tenants point comme de leur nation, ils nous traittent à la façon que i'ay dit. Si vn estrãger quel qu'il soit se iette de leur party, ils le traitteront comme eux. Vn ieune Hiroquois, auquel [123] ils 260 auoient donné la vie, estoit comme enfant de la maison; que si vous faites vostre mesnage à part mesprisants leurs loix, ou leurs coustumes ils vous succeront s'ils peuuent iusques au sang. Il n'y a mouche, ny guespe, ny taon, si importun qu'vn Sauuage.

Now do not think that they act thus among themselves; on the contrary, they are very grateful, very liberal, and not in the least importunate toward those of their own nation. If they conduct themselves thus toward our French, and toward other foreigners, it is because, it seems to me, that we do not wish to ally ourselves with them as brothers, which they would very much desire. But this would ruin us in three days; for they would want us to go with them, and eat their food as long as they had any, and then they would come and eat ours as long as it lasted; and, when there was none left, we would all set to work to find more. For that is the kind of life they live, feasting as long as they have something; but, as we know nothing about their mode of hunting, and as this way of doing is not praiseworthy, we do not heed them. Hence, as we do not regard ourselves as belonging to their nation, they treat us in the way I have described. If any stranger, whoever he may be, unites with their party, they will treat him as one of their own nation. A young Hiroquois whose [123] life they had spared, was like a child of their own family. But if you carry on your affairs apart from them, despising their laws or their customs, they will drain from you, if they can, even your blood. There is not an insect, nor wasp, nor gadfly, so annoying as a Savage.

Ie suis tantost las de parler de leurs desordres, disons quelque chose de leur saleté, & puis finissons ce chapitre.

I am rather tired of talking about their irregularities; let us speak of their uncleanness, and then end this chapter.

Ils sont sales en leurs habits, en leurs postures1, en leurs demeures, & en leur manger, & cependant il n'y a aucune inciuilité parmy eux; car tout ce qui donne du contentement aux sens, passe pour honeste.

They are dirty in their habits, in their postures, in their homes, and in their eating; yet there is no lack of propriety among them, for everything that gives satisfaction to the senses, passes as propriety.

I'ay dit qu'ils sont sales en leurs demeures, l'aduenuë de leurs Cabanes est vne grange à pourceaux. Iamais ils ne balient leur maison, ils la tapissent au cõmencement de branches de pin, mais au troisiesme iour ces brãches sont pleines de poil, de plumes, de cheueux, de coupeaux, de raclure de bois, & cependant ils n'ont point d'autres sieges, ny d'autres licts pour se coucher, dõt l'on peut voir de quelle saleté peuuent estre chargez leurs habits: vray est que ces ordures [124] & saletez ne paroissent pas, tant dessus leurs robes, que dessus les nostres.

I have said that they are dirty in their homes; the entrance to their Cabins is like a pig-pen. They never sweep their houses, they carpet them at first with branches of pine, but on the third day these branches are full of fur, feathers, hair, shavings, or whittlings of wood. Yet they have no other seats, nor beds upon which to sleep. From this it may be seen how full of dirt their clothes must be; it is true that this dirt [124] and filth does not show as much upon their clothes as upon ours.

Le Sorcier quittant nostre Cabane pour vn temps, me demanda mon manteau, pource qu'il faisoit froid, disoit-il; comme si i'euffe esté plus dispensé des loix de l'Hiuer que non pas luy: ie luy prestay, s'en estant seruy plus d'un mois, en fin il me le rẽdit si vilain, & si sale, que i'en estois honteux, car les flegmes & autres immondices qui le couuroient, luy donnoient vn autre teinture. Le voyant en cét estat, ie le dépliay exprez deuant luy, afin qu'il le vit; connoissant bien ce que ie voulois dire, il me dit fort à 262 propos, tu dis que tu veux estre Mõtagnais & Sauuage comme nous, si cela est, ne sois pas marry d'en porter l'habit; car voila comme sont faites nos robes.

The Sorcerer leaving our Cabin for a while, asked me for my cloak, because it was cold, he said, as if I more than he were exempt from the rigors of Winter. I lent it to him, and, after having used it more than a month, he returned it to me at last so nasty and dirty, that I was ashamed of it, for it was covered with phlegm and other filth which gave it a different color. Seeing it in this condition, I purposely unfolded it before him, that he might see it. Knowing very well what I meant, he quite aptly remarked to me, "Thou sayest that thou wouldst like to be a Montagnais and Savage, like us; if that is so, do not be troubled about wearing the cloak, for that is just the way our clothes look."

Quand est de leur posture, elle suit la douceur de leur commodité, & non les regles de la bien seance: les Sauuages ne preferent iamais ce qui est honneste à ce qui est delectable. I'ay veu souuent le pretendu magicien couché tout nud, hormis vn mechant brayer plus sale qu'vn torchon de cuisine, plus noir qu'vn écouillõ de four, retirer vne de ses [125] iambes contre la cuisse, & mettre l'autre sur son genoüil releué, haraguant ses gens en cette posture, son auditoire n'auoit pas plus de grace.

As to their postures, they follow their own sweet wills, and not the rules of good breeding. The Savages never prefer what is decent to what is agreeable. I have often seen the pretended magician lie down entirely naked,—except a miserable strip of cloth dirtier than a dish-cloth, and blacker than an oven-mop,—draw up one of his [125] legs against his thigh, place the other upon his raised knee, and harangue his people in this position, his audience being scarcely more graceful.

Pour leur manger, il est tant soit peu plus net que la mangeaille que l'on donne aux animaux, & non pas encore tousiours, ie ne dis rien par exaggeration, i'en ay gousté & vescu quasi six mois durant. Nous auiõs trois écroüélés en nostre Cabane, le fils du Sorcier qui les auoit à l'oreille d'vne façon fort sale, & pleine d'horreur; son neueu qui les auoit au col, vne fille qui les auoit sous vn bras; ie ne sçay si ce sont vrayes escroüelles, quoy qu'il en soit, ce mal est plein de pus, couuert d'vne croute fort horrible à voir: ils en sont quasi tous frappez en leur ieunesse, tant pour leur saleté, que pource qu'on ne fait point de difficulté de boire & de mãger auec des malades. Ie les ay veu cent fois patroüiller dans la chaudiere où estoit nostre boisson cõmune, y lauer leurs mains, y boire à pleine teste comme les bestes, reietter leurs restes là dedans; car c'est la coustume des Sauuages, y fourrer des bastons demy brulés, & pleins de cendre, y plonger de [126] leur vaisselle d'escorce pleine de graisses, de poil d'Orignaux, de cheueux, y puiser de 264 l'eau auec des chaudrons noirs com[me] la cheminée: & aprés tout cela, nous beuuions tous de ce broüet, noir comme de l'ambroisie. Ce n'est pas tout, ils reiettẽt là dedãs les os qu'ils ont rongé, puis vous mettent de l'eau ou de la neige dans la chaudiere, la fõt boüillir, & voila de l'hipocras. Vn certain iour des souliers venant d'estre quittés, tomberent dãs nostre boisson, ils se lauerent à leur aise, on les retira sans autre ceremonie puis on beut apres eux comme si rien ne fut arriué. Ie ne suis pas bien delicat, si est-ce que ie n'eus point de soif tant que cette maluoisie dura.

As to their food, it is very little, if any, cleaner than the swill given to animals, and not always even as clean. I say nothing in exaggeration, as I have tasted it and lived upon it for almost six months. We had three persons in our Cabin afflicted with scrofula,—the son of the Sorcerer, whose ear was very disgusting and horrid from this disease; his nephew, who had it in his neck; and a daughter, who had it under one arm. I do not know whether this is the real scrofula; whatever it is, this sore is full of pus, and covered with a horrible-looking crust. They are nearly all attacked by this disease, when young, both on account of their filthy habits, and because they eat and drink indiscriminately with the sick. I have seen them a hundred times paddle about in the kettle containing our common drink; wash their hands in it; drink from it, thrusting in their heads, like the animals; and throw into it their leavings; for this is the custom of the Savages, to thrust sticks into it that are half-burned and covered with ashes; to dip therein [126] their bark plates covered with grease, the fur of the Moose, and hair; and to dip water therefrom with kettles as black as the chimney; and after that, we all drank from this black broth, as if it were ambrosia. This is not all; they throw therein the bones that they have gnawed, then put water or snow in the kettle, let it boil, and behold their hippocras. One day some shoes, which had just been taken off, fell into our drink; they soaked there as long as they pleased, and were withdrawn without exciting any special attention, and then the water was drunk as if nothing whatever had happened. I am not very fastidious, but I was not very thirsty as long as this malmsey lasted.

Iamais ils ne lauent leurs mains exprés pour manger, encore moins leur chaudiere, & point du tout la viande qu'ils fõt cuire, quoy que le plus souuent (ie le dis comme ie l'ay veu cent & cent fois) elle soit toute couuerte de poil de bestes, & de cheueux de leurs testes: Ie n'ay iamais beu aucun boüillon parmy eux, qu'il ne m'aye fallu jetter quãtité de ces poils & de ces cheueux, & bien d'autres ordures; comme des charbons, des petits [127] morceaux de bois, & mesme du baston dont ils attisent le feu, & remuent bien souuent ce qui est dans la chaudiere: ie les ay veu par fois prẽdre vn tison ardẽt, le mettre dãs la cendre pour l'esteindre: puis quasi sans le secoüer, le tremper dãs la chaudiere ou trempoit nostre disner.

They never wash their hands expressly before eating, still less their kettles, and the meat they cook, not at all,—although it is usually (I say this because I have seen it hundreds of times) all covered with the animal's hairs, and with those from their own heads. I have never drunk any broth among them, from which I did not have to throw out many of these hairs, and a variety of other rubbish, such as cinders, little [127] pieces of wood, and even sticks with which they have stirred the fire and frequently stirred up the contents of the kettle. I have occasionally seen them take a blazing brand and put it in the ashes to extinguish it, then, almost without shaking it, dip it into the kettle where our dinner was simmering.

Quand ils font secherie de la chair, ils vous ietteront par terre tout vn costé d'Orignac, ils le battent auec des pierres; ils marchent dessus, le foulent auec leurs pieds tout sales, les poils d'hõmes & de bestes, les plumes d'oiseaux s'ils en ont tué, la terre & la cendre; tout cela s'incorpore auec la viande, qu'ils font quasi durcir comme du bois à la fumée; puis 266 quand ils viennent à manger de ce boucan, tout s'en va de compagnie dans l'estomach, car ils n'ont point d'eau de despart: en vn mot ils croient que nous n'auons point d'esprit de lauer nostre viande, car vne partie de la graisse s'en va tousiours auec l'eau.

When they are engaged in drying meat, they will throw down upon the ground a whole side of the Moose, beat it with stones, walk over it, trample upon it with their dirty feet; the hairs of men and of animals, the feathers of birds, if they have killed any, dirt and ashes,—all these are ground into the meat, which they make almost as hard as wood with the smoke. Then when they come to eat this dried meat, all goes together into the stomach, for they have not washed it. In fact, they think that we are very foolish to wash our meat, for some of the grease goes away with the water.

Quand la chaudiere commence a boüillir, ils recueillent l'écume fort soigneusement, & la mangent auec delices: ils m'en presentoient auec faueur, ie la trouuois bonne durant nostre famine, mais depuis [128] venant par fois a les remercier de ce present, ils m'appelloient superbe & orgueilleux: ils chassent au rats & aux souris par plaisir, comme aux lieures, & les trouuent également bons.

When the kettle begins to boil, they gather the scum very carefully and eat it as a delicacy. They gave some to me as a favor, and during our famine I found it good; but since [128] then, when I sometimes happened to decline this present, they called me fastidious and proud. They take delight in hunting rats and mice, the same as rabbits, and find them just as good.

Les Sauuages ne mangent pas comme nos François dãs vn plat, ou autre vaisselle commune à tous ceux qui sont à table; l'vn d'entr'eux descend la chaudiere de dessus le feu, & fait les parts à vn chacun, presentant par fois la viande au bout d'vn baston, mais le plus souuent sãs prendre ceste peine, il vous iettera vne piece de chair toute brulante, & pleine de graisse, cõme on ietteroit vn os a vn chiẽ; disant NaKhimitchimi, tiens, voila ta part, voila ta nourriture; si vous estes habile-homme, vous la retenés auec les mains, sinon garde que la robe ne s'en sente, où que les cendres ne seruent de sel, puisque les Sauuages n'en ont point d'autre.

The Savages do not eat as we French do, from a dish or other vessel, common to all those at the table; but one of them takes down the kettle from the fire and distributes to each one his share; sometimes presenting the meat at the end of a stick, but oftener without taking this trouble, he will throw you a piece of meat boiling hot, and full of grease, as we would throw a bone to a dog; saying, Nakhimitchimi, "Take it! this is thy share, here is thy food." If you are quick, you catch it in your hands; otherwise, look out that your gown does not catch it, or that the ashes do not serve as salt, for the Savages have no other.

Ie me suis veu bien empesché au commencement, car n'osant couper la chair qu'ils me donnoient dãs mon plat d'écorce de peur de le blesser, ie ne sçauois comment en venir à bout, n'ayant point d'assiette. En fin il se fallut faire tout à tout, deuenir Sauuages auec les Sauuages: Ie [129] iettay les yeux sur mon compagnon, puis ie taschay d'estre aussi braue homme 268 que luy. Il prend sa chair à pleine main, & vous la couppe morceaux apres morceaux, comme on feroit vne piece de pain, que si la chair est vn peu dure, ou qu'elle cede au cousteau pour estre trop molasse; ils vous la tiennent d'vn bout par les dents, & de l'autre auec la main gauche, puis la main droitte iouë là dessus du violon, se seruãt de cousteau pour archet; & cecy est si commun parmy les Sauuages, qu'ils ont vn mot propre pour exprimer cette actiõ, que nous ne pouuons expliquer qu'en plusieurs paroles & par circumloqution. Si vous esgarez vostre cousteau, comme il n'y a point de couteliers dans ces grãds bois, vous estes condamnez à prendre vostre portion à deux belles mains, & mordre dans la chair & dans la graisse aussi brauement, mais non pas si honnestement que vous feriez dans vn quartier de põme; Dieu sçait si les mains, si la bouche, & vne partie de la face reluisent par apres? le mal est que ie ne sçauois à quoy m'essuyer; de porter du linge, il faudroit vn mulet, ou bien faire tous les jours la [130] lessiue: car en moins de riẽ tout se change en torchon de cuisine dans leurs Cabanes. Pour eux ils torchẽt leurs mains à leurs cheueux, qu'ils nourrissent fort longs, d'autrefois à leurs chiens: ie veis vne femme qui m'apprit vn secret, elle nettoya ses mains à ses souliers, ie fis le mesme; ie me seruois aussi de poil d'Orignac, & de branches de pin, & notamment de bois pourry puluerisé, ce sont les essuyemains des Sauuages; on ne s'en sert pas si doucement comme d'vne toile d'Hollande, mais peut-estre plus gayement & plus ioyeusement. C'est assez parlé de ces ordures.

I found myself very much embarrassed, in the beginning; for not daring to cut the meat they gave me in my bark dish, for fear of spoiling the dish, I did not know how to manage it, not having any plate. Finally I had to become all to all, and a Savage with the Savages. I [129] cast my eyes upon my companion, then I tried to be as brave a man as he was. He took his meat in his open hand, and cut from it morsel after morsel, as you would do with a piece of bread. But if the meat is a little tough, or if it slips away from the knife from being too soft, they hold one end of it with their teeth, and the other with the left hand, then the right hand plays upon it in violin fashion, the knife serving as a bow. And this is so common among the Savages, that they have a word to express this action, which we could only explain with several words and by circumlocution. If you were to lose your knife, as there are no cutlers in these great forests, you are compelled to take your share in your two hands, and to bite into the flesh and into the fat, as bravely but not so politely, as you would bite into a quarter of an apple. God knows how the hands, the mouth, and a part of the face shine after this operation. The trouble was, I did not know upon what to wipe them. To carry linen with you would require a mule, or a daily [130] washing; for, in less than no time, everything is converted into dish-cloths in their Cabins. As to them, they wipe their hands upon their hair, which they allow to grow very long, or else, upon their dogs. I saw a woman who taught me a secret; she wiped her hands upon her shoes, and I did the same. I also used Moose fur, pine branches, and, especially, powdered rotten wood. These are the hand-towels of the Savages. One does not use them as pleasantly as a piece of Holland linen, but perhaps more gaily and joyously. Enough has been said of their filth.

270

CHAPITRE VII.

DES VIANDES & AUTRES METS DONT MANGENT LES SAUUAGES, DE LEUR ASSAISONNEMENT, & DE LEURS BOISSONS.

ENTRE les animaux terrestres ils ont des Elans, qu'on appelle ordinairement icy des Origenaux, des Castors, que les Anglois nomment des Bieures, des Caribõs, qualifiez par quelques vns asnes Sauuages: ils ont encore des Ours, [131] des Blereaux, des Porcs épics, des Renards, des Lieures, des Siffleurs ou Rossignols, c'est vn animal plus gros qu'vn Lieure; ils mangent en outre des Marthes, & des Ecurieux de trois especes.

CHAPTER VII.

ON THE MEATS AND OTHER DISHES WHICH THE SAVAGES EAT, THEIR SEASONING, AND THEIR DRINKS.

AMONG their terrestrial animals they have the Elk, which is here generally called the Moose; Castors, which the English call Beavers; Caribou,21 by some called the Wild ass; they also have Bears, [131] Badgers, Porcupines, Foxes, Hares, Whistler or Nightingale,—this is an animal larger than a Hare;22 they eat also Martens, and three kinds of Squirrels.

Pour les oiseaux, ils ont des Outardes, des Oyes blãches & grises, des Canards de plusieurs especes, des Sarcelles, des Bernaches, des Plongeurs de plusieurs sortes; ce sont tous oiseaux de riuiere. Ils prennent encore des Perdrix ou de Gelinottes grises, des Beccasses & Becassines de quantité d'especes, des Tourterelles, &c.

As to birds, they have Bustards, white and gray Geese, several species of Ducks, Teals, Ospreys and several kinds of Divers. These are all river birds. They also catch Partridges or gray Hazel-hens, Wood-cocks and Snipe of many kinds, Turtle doves, etc.

Quand au Poisson, ils prennent en vn temps des Saulmons de diuerses sortes, des Loups marins, des Brochets, des Carpes, & Esturgeons de diuerses especes, des Poissons blancs, des Poissons dorez, des Barbuës, des Anguilles, des Lamproyes, de L'esplanc, des Tortues & autres.

As to Fish, they catch, in the season, different kinds of Salmon, Seals, Pike, Carp, and Sturgeon of various sorts; Whitefish, Goldfish, Barbels, Eels, Lampreys, Smelt, Turtles, and others.

Ils mangent en outre quelques petits fruicts de la terre, des framboises, des bleuës, des fraises, des noix 272 qui n'ont quasi point de chair, des noisettes, des pommes sauuages plus douces que celles de France, mais beaucoup plus petites; [332 i.e., 132] des cerises, dont la chair & le noyau ensemble ne sont pas plus grosses que les noyaux des Bigarreaux de France. Ils ont encore d'autres petits fruicts Sauuages de diuerses sortes, des Lambruches en quelques endroicts: bref tout ce qu'ils ont de fruict (ostez les fraises & les framboises qu'ils ont en quantité) ne vaut pas vne seule espece des moindres fruicts de l'Europe.

They eat, besides some small ground fruits, such as raspberries, blueberries, strawberries, nuts which have very little meat, hazelnuts, wild apples sweeter than those of France, but much smaller; [332 i.e., 132] cherries, of which the flesh and pit together are not larger than the pit of the Bigarreau cherry in France. They have also other small Wild fruits of different kinds, in some places Wild Grapes; in short, all the fruits they have (except strawberries and raspberries, which they have in abundance) are not worth one single species of the most ordinary fruits of Europe.

Ils mangent en outre des racines comme des oignons de martagons rouges, vne racine, qui a goust de reglisse, vne autre que nos François appellent des chapelets, pource qu'elle est distinguée par nœuds en forme de grains, & quelques autres en petit nombre.

They eat, besides, roots, such as bulbs of the red lily; a root which has a taste of liquorice; another that our French People call "rosary," because it is distinguished by tubers in the form of beads; and some others, not very numerous.23

Quand la grande famine les presse, ils mangent des racleures ou des escorces d'vn certain arbre, qu'ils nomment Michtan, lesquels ils fendent au Printẽps pour en tirer vn suc doux comme du miel, ou cõme du sucre: à ce que m'ont dit quelques vns, mais à peine s'amusent ils à cela tant il en coule peu.

When they are pressed by famine, they eat the shavings or bark of a certain tree, which they call Michtan, which they split in the Spring to get from it a juice, sweet as honey or as sugar;24 I have been told of this by several, but they do not enjoy much of it, so scanty is the flow.

Voila les viandes & autres mets, dont se repaissent les Sauuages des contrées où nous sommes; I'obmets sans doute [133] plusieurs autres especes d'animaux, mais ils ne me reuiennent pas maintenant en la memoire.

These, then, are the meats and other articles of food upon which the Savages, of these countries where we are, subsist. I omit, without doubt, [133] several other species of animals, but I do not recall them at present.

Outre ces viures que ce peuple tire de son pays sans cultiuer la terre, ils ont encore des farines & des bleds d'Inde; qu'ils troquent pour des peaux d'Orignac auec les Hurons, qui descendent iusques à Kebec, ou iusques aux trois riuieres. Ils acheptẽt encore du Petun de cette nation, qui quasi tous les ans en a porté en grande quantité.

Besides these foods, which this people find in their own country without cultivating the soil, they have also cereals and Indian corn, which they trade for Moose skins with the Hurons, who come down as far as Kebec or the three rivers. They also buy Tobacco from that nation, who bring large quantities of it with them every year.25

274 De plus, ils ont de nos François de la galette, du biscuit, du pain, des pruneaux, des pois, des racines, des figues, & choses semblables. Voila dequoy se nourrit ce pauure peuple.

Besides, they get from our French People galette, or sea biscuit, bread, prunes, peas, roots, figs, and the like. You have here the food of these poor people.

Quand à leurs boissons, ils n'en font aucune ny de racines ny de fruicts, se contentans d'eau pure, il est vray que le boüillon dans lequel ils ont cuit la viãde, & vn autre boüillon qu'ils font d'os d'Elan concassez & brisez, seruent aussi de boisson. Vn certain villageois disoit en France, que s'il eust esté Roy il n'eut beu que de la gresse, les Sauuages en boiuent assez souuent, voire mesme ils la mangent & mordent dedans, quand [134] elle est figée, comme nous morderions dans vne pomme. Quand ils ont faict cuire vn Ours bien gras ou deux ou trois Castors dans vne chaudiere, vous les verriez ramasser & recueillir la gresse sur le boüillõ, auec vne large cuillier de bois, & gouster cette liqueur comme le plus doux Parochimel qu'ils ayent: quelquesfois ils en remplissent vn grand plat d'escorce, qui faict la ronde à l'entour des conuiez au festin, & chacun en boit auec plaisir. D'autres ayant ramassé cette gresse toute pure, ils iettent dedans quantité de neige; ce qu'ils font encore dans le boüillon gras, quand ils veulent boire vn peu froid, vous verriez de gros morceaux de gresse figée sur ce breuuage, & neantmoins ils le boiuent & l'auallent comme de l'Hipocras. Voila à mon aduis toutes les sortes de boissons qui se retreuuent parmy nos Sauuages, & dont ils m'ont faict gouster en Hiuer. Il a esté vn temps qu'ils auoient horreur de nos boissons d'Europe, mais ils se vendroient maintenant pour en auoir tant ils les ayment. Ie me suis quasi oublié de dire qu'ordinairement ils boiuent chaud ou 276 tiede; ils me tançoient [135] par fois, me voyant boire de l'eau froide, me disants que ie serois maigre, & que cela me refroidiroit iusques dans les os.

As to their drinks, they make none, either from roots or fruits, being satisfied with pure water. It is true that the broth in which they have cooked the meat, and another broth which they make of the ground and broken bones of the Elk, serve as beverages. A certain peasant said in France that, if he were King, he would drink nothing but grease; the Savages do drink it very often, and even eat and bite into it, when [134] it is hard, as we would bite into an apple. When they have cooked a very fat Bear, or two or three Beavers, in a kettle, you will see them skim off the grease from the broth with a large wooden spoon, and taste this liquor as if what they had were the sweetest Parochimel. Sometimes they fill with it a large bark dish, and it goes the rounds of the guests at the feast, each one drinking with pleasure. At other times, having gathered this clear grease, they throw into it a quantity of snow; this they do also in their greasy soup, when they wish to drink it somewhat cool. You will see great lumps of grease floating on the top of this drink, and yet they swallow it like Hippocras.26 These are, I believe, all the kinds of beverages to be found among the Savages, and which they had me taste during the Winter. There was a time when they had a horror of our European drinks; but they have now become so fond of these, that they would sell themselves to get them. I almost have forgotten to say that they generally drink everything warm or tepid, and sometimes blame me [135] when they see me drink cold water, telling me that I will become thin, and that it will chill me even to the bone.

De plus, ils n'entremeslent point le manger & le boire comme nous, mais on distribue premierement la chair ou les autres mets, puis ayant mangé ce qu'ils veulent, on partage le boüillon, où on le met en certain endroict, & chacun y va boire qui veut.

Also, they do not mix their eating and drinking as we do; but they first distribute the meat or other dishes; then, having eaten what they want, they divide the broth, or it is put in a certain place, and each one goes and drinks as he likes.

Disons pour conclusion de ce poinct, que les Sauuages auec tant d'animaux, tant d'oiseaux & de poissons, sont quasi tousiours affamez; la raison est, que les oiseaux & les poissons sont passagers, s'en allant & retournãt à certain temps, & auec cela ils ne sont pas trop grands gybboyeurs, & encore moins bons ménagers, car ce qu'ils tuent en vn iour ne void pas l'autre, excepté l'Elan & l'Anguille, dont ils font secherie quand ils en ont en grande abondance, si bien que pendant le mois de Septembre & octobre, ils viuent pour la plus part d'anguilles fresches en Nouembre, Decembre, & souuent en Ianuier, ils mangent leurs anguilles boucanées, & quelques Porcs epics [136] qu'ils prennent pendant les petites neiges, cõme aussi quelques Castors s'ils en trouuent. Quand les grandes neiges sont venuës ils mangent l'Orignac frais, ils le font seicher pour se nourrir le reste du temps iusques en Septembre, auec quelques oiseaux, quelques Ours & Castors qu'ils prennent au Printemps & pendant l'Esté: Or si toutes ces chasses ne donnent point (ce qui n'ariue que trop souuent pour eux) ils souffrent grandement.

Let us say, in concluding this subject, that with all their animals, birds and fish, the Savages are almost always hungry; the reason for this is, that the birds and fish are migratory, going and returning at certain times. Besides, they are not very great hunters, and are still poorer managers; for what they kill in one day is not seen the next, except the Elk and Eels, which they dry when they have them in great abundance. So that, during the months of September and October, they live for the most part upon fresh eels; in November, December and often in January, they eat their smoked eels, some Porcupines, [136] which they take during the lighter snowfalls, as also a few Beavers, if they find them. When the heavy snows come, they eat fresh Moose meat; they dry it, to live upon the rest of the time until September; and with this they have a few birds, Bears, and Beavers, which they take in the Spring and during the Summer. Now, if the hunt for all these animals does not succeed (which with them occurs only too often) they suffer greatly.

278

CHAPITRE VIII.

DE LEURS FESTINS.

IL n'y a que les chasseurs effectiuemẽt & ceux qui l'ont esté, qui soient ordinairement conuiez aux festins, les femmes vefues y vont aussi: notamment si ce n'est pas vn festin à manger tout, les filles, les femmes mariées, & les enfans en sont quasi tousiours exclus. Ie dis quasi tousiours, car par fois on les inuite, ie leur ay veu faire des Acoumagouchanai, c'est à dire des festins à ne rien laisser, ausquels tout le monde se trouuoit, les [137] hõmes, fẽmes, & petits enfans: quand ils ont grãde abondance de viures, les femmes font quelquefois des festins par entr'elles, où les hõmes ne se trouuẽt point.

CHAPTER VIII.

ON THEIR FEASTS.

ONLY actual hunters, and those who have been hunters, are usually invited to their feasts, to which widows go also, especially if it is not an eat-all feast. The girls, married women, and children, are nearly always excluded. I say nearly always, for occasionally they are invited. I have known them to have Acoumagouchanai, that is to say, feasts where nothing is to be left, to which every one was invited, [137] men, women, and little children. When they have a great abundance of food, sometimes the women have a feast of their own, where the men are not found.

Leur façon d'inuiter est sans fard & sans ceremonie, quand tout est cuit & prest à manger (car on n'inuite personne auparauant) quelqu'vn s'en va par les Cabanes où sont ceux qui doiuent estre conuiez, ou bien mesme on leur criera ce mot du lieu où se faict le festin khinatonmigaouinaouau, vous estes inuitez au banquet, les hommes ausquels ce mot s'adresse, respondent ho ho, & prenant sur l'heure mesme leur plat d'escorce & leur cueiller de bois, s'en viennent en la Cabane de celuy qui les traitte. Quand tous les hommes ne sont pas inuitez, on nomme ceux qu'on veut conuier; le deffaut de ceremonies faict épargner beaucoup de paroles à ces bõnes gens. Il me semble qu'au siecle d'or on faisoit comme cela, sinon que la 280 netteté y estoit en plus grande recommandation que parmy ces peuples.

Their way of inviting is straightforward and without ceremony. When all is cooked and ready to eat (for no one is invited before), some one goes through the Cabins of those who are to be invited; or else they will cry out to them this word, from the place where the feast is given, khinatonmigaouinaouau, "You are invited to the banquet." The men to whom this word is addressed, answer, ho ho, and straightway taking their own bark dish and wooden spoon, come to the Cabin of the one who is to entertain them. When all the men are not invited, those who are desired are named. The absence of ceremony spares these simple people many words. It seems to me in the golden age they must have done like this, except that then cleanliness was in higher favor than among these people.

Dans tous les festins, comme aussi dans leurs repas ordinaires, on donne à vn chacun sa part, d'où vient qu'il n'y en a [138] que deux ou trois qui ayẽt les meilleurs morceaux, car ils ne les diuisent point: ils donneront par exemple la langue d'vn Orignac, & toutes ses appartenances à vne seule personne, la queuë & la teste d'vn Castor à vn autre; voila les meilleures pieces, qu'ils appellent Mascanou, la part du Capitaine. Pour les boyaux gras de l'Orignac, qui sont leurs grands delices, ils les font ordinairement rostir & en font gouster à tous, comme aussi d'vn autre mets, dont ils font grand estat, c'est le gros boyau de la beste remply de gresse, & rosty auec vne corde qui pend & tourne deuant le feu.

In all the feasts, as well as in their ordinary repasts, each one is given his part, from which it happens that [138] only two or three have the best pieces, for they do not divide them. For example, they will give the tongue of a Moose and all the giblets to a single person, the tail and head of a Beaver to another; these are the best pieces, which they call Mascanou, "the Captain's part." As to the fat intestines of the Moose, which are their great delicacies, they usually roast them and let every one taste them, as they do another dish, which they hold in high esteem,—namely, the large intestine of the beast filled with grease, and roasted, fastened to a cord, hanging and turning before the fire.

Au reste ils sont magnifiques en ces festins, car ils ne presentent que les bonnes viandes les separants exprés, & donnant à chacun tres abondamment, quand ils en ont.

Also they are very magnificent in these feasts, for they only offer the good meat, separating it expressly, and giving to each one very abundantly, when they have it.

Ils ont deux sortes de festins, les vns à manger tout, les autres à mãger ce qu'on voudra, remportant le reste pour en faire part à leur famille. Cette derniere façon me semble loüable, car il n'y a point d'excez, chacun prend autant qu'il luy plaist de la portion qui luy est donnée; [139] voire i'oserois dire que c'est vne belle inuention pour conseruer l'amitié entr'eux, & pour se nourrir les vns les autres: car ordinairement les peres de famille ne mangent qu'vne partie de leurs mets, portans le reste à leurs femmes & à leurs enfans, le mal est qu'ils font trop souuent des festins dans la famine que nous auons enduré: si mõ hoste prenoit deux, trois, & quatre Castors, tout aussi tost 282 fut-il iour, fut-il nuict on en faisoit festin à tous les Sauuages voisins; & si eux auoient pris quelque chose, ils en faisoient de mesme à mesme temps: si que sortant d'vn festin vous allez à vn autre, & par fois encore à vn troisiesme, & vn quatriesme. Ie leur disois qu'ils ne faisoient pas bien, & qu'il valoit mieux reseruer ces festins aux iours suiuans, & que ce faisant nous ne serions pas tant pressez de la faim; ils se mocquoient de moy, demain (disoient-ils) nous ferons encore festin de ce que nous prendrons; oüy mais le plus souuent ils ne prenoient que du froid & du vent.

They have two kinds of feasts,—one at which everything is eaten; the other at which the guests eat what they please, carrying away the rest to divide with their families. This last feast seems to me praiseworthy, for there is no excess, each one taking as much as he likes of the portion given to him; [139] indeed, I would venture to say that it is a happy invention to preserve friendship among them, and for each to help feed the others. For usually the heads of families only eat a part of their share, carrying the rest to their wives and children. The trouble is that their feasts come too often. In the famine through which we passed, if my host took two, three, or four Beavers, immediately, whether it was day or night, they had a feast for all the neighboring Savages. And if those people had captured something, they had one also at the same time; so that, on emerging from one feast, you went to another, and sometimes even to a third and a fourth. I told them that they did not manage well, and that it would be better to reserve these feasts for future days, and in doing this they would not be so pressed with hunger. They laughed at me. "To-morrow" (they said) "we shall make another feast with what we shall capture." Yes, but more often they captured only cold and wind.

Pour leurs festins à ne rien laisser, ils sont tres blamables, & c'est neantmoins l'vne de leurs grandes deuotions, car ils [140] font ces festins pour auoir bonne chasse, il se faut bien donner de garde que les chiens n'en goustent tant soit peu, tout seroit perdu, leur chasse ne vaudroit rien; Et remarquez que plus ils mangent plus ce festin est efficace; de là vient qu'ils dõneront à vn seul homme, ce que ie ne voudrois pas entreprendre de manger, auec trois bons disneurs, ils creueroient plustost, pour ainsi dire, que de rien laisser. Vray qu'ils se peuuent ayder les vns les autres; quand quelqu'vn n'en peut plus, il prie son compagnon de l'assister, où bien l'on fait passer son reste pardeuant les autres qui en prennent chacun vne partie, & apres tout cela s'il en reste on le iette au feu; celuy qui mange le plus est le plus estimé, vous les entendez raconter leurs proüesses de gueule, specifiants la quantité & les parties de la beste qu'ils ont mãgé; Dieu sçait quelle musique apres le banquet, car ces Barbares donnent toute liberté à leur estomach & à leur ventre, de tenir le langage qui 284 leur plaist pour se soulager; quand aux odeurs qu'on sent pour lors dans leurs Cabanes, elles sont plus fortes que l'odeur des roses, mais elles ne sont pas si douces, vous les voyez haleter [141] & souffler comme des gens remplis iusques au gosier; & de faict comme ils sont nuds, ie les voyois enflez iusques à la gorge, encore ont ils du courage là dedans, leur cœur retient ce qu'on luy donne, ie n'ay veu que l'estomach du Sorcier mécontent de ce qu'on luy auoit donné, quantité d'autres en approchoient de bien prés, mais ils tenoient bon. I'en ay veu par fois de malades apres ces excez.

As to their "leave-nothing" feasts, they are very blamable; and yet this is one of their great devotions, because they [140] make these feasts in order to have a successful chase. They must be very careful that the dogs taste nothing of this, or all will be lost, and their hunting will be worthless. And notice that, the more they eat, the more efficacious is this feast. Hence it happens that they will give, to one man, what I would not undertake to eat with three good diners. They would rather burst, so to speak, than to leave anything. True, they can help each other; when one can eat no more, he begs his companions to assist him; or else he may pass the remains of his part along to the others, who each one take some of it, and after all this, if anything remain, it is thrown into the fire. The one who eats the most is the most admired. You will hear them describing the prowess of their jaws, naming the quantity and the parts of the beast which they have eaten. God knows what kind of music follows this banquet, for these Barbarians give full liberty to their stomachs and bellies, to utter whatever sounds they please, in order to relieve themselves. As to the odors that are then exhaled in their Cabins, they are stronger than the perfume of roses, but not so sweet. You see them pant [141] and blow, like people full up to their throats; and, in fact, as they are naked, I saw that they were swollen as high as their necks. Still, with it all, they have mettle there inside, for their stomachs retain what is given them. I have known only the Sorcerer's stomach to be dissatisfied with what it received; many others came very near it, but they held their own. Occasionally, I have seen some of them sick after these excesses.

Mais venons à l'ordre qu'ils gardent en ces banquets; Ceux qu'on doit traitter estans conuiez à la façon que i'ay dit, ils s'en viennent auec leur ouragan, ou escuelle leur cuillier, ils entrent dans la Cabane sans ceremonie, chacun prenant sa place comme il vient, ils s'asseoient en rond à l'entour de la chaudiere qui est sur le feu, renuersant leur plat deuant eux, leurs sieges, c'est la terre couuerte de branches de pin, il n'y a point de preseance, toutes les parties d'vn cercle sont aussi courbées, & aussi nobles les vnes que les autres, quelquesfois l'vn d'eux dira à celuy qui entre Outaiappitou, viens icy, sieds toy là.

But let us notice the order which they observe in these banquets. Those who are to be entertained having been invited in the way I have stated, they come each with his ouragan, or dish, and his spoon, and enter the Cabin without ceremony, each one taking his place as he comes. They seat themselves around the kettle which is over the fire, turning their plates upside down before them. Their chairs are the ground, covered with pine branches; and no order of precedence is observed. All the members of the circle are alike bent forward; and one is as noble as the other. Sometimes one will say to another who enters, Outaiappitou, "Come here, sit thou there."

Chacun ayant pris sa place & s'estant assis en forme de Guenon, retirant ses [142] jambes contre ses cuisses, si c'est vn festin à manger tout, on ne dit mot, on chante seulement, & s'il y a quelque Sorcier ou Manitousiou, il bat son tambour; vray qu'ils ne sont pas tousiours si religieux qu'ils ne tiennent quelque petit discours. Si le festin n'est pas à ne rien laisser, ils s'entretiennent vn peu de temps de leurs chasses, ou d'autres choses semblables, le plus souuent de gausseries.

Each one, having taken his place, sits in the posture of a monkey, drawing up his [142] legs against his thighs. If it is an eat-all feast, not a word is said, they only sing; and if there is a Sorcerer or Manitousiou present, he beats his drum; true, they are not always so strict that they do not hold some little conversation. If it is not a leave-nothing feast, they have a little conversation about their hunting, or the like, but most frequently about their pranks.

286 Apres quelques discours, le distributeur du festin, qui est ordinairement celuy qui le fait, descend la chaudiere de dessus le feu, ou les chaudieres s'il y en a plusieurs, les mettãt deuant soy, & lors il fait quelque harãgue ou semet à chãter, & tous les assistans auec luy; quelquefois il ne faict ny l'vn ny l'autre, mais seulement il dit les mots de l'entrée du festin qui ne s'obmettent iamais, c'est à dire qu'il declare dequoy il est composé: par exemple il dira, hommes qui estes icy assemblez, c'est vn tel qui faict le festin, ils respondent tous du fond de l'estomac hô-ô-ô, le festin est composé de chair de Castor, ils poussent de rechef leur aspiration hô-ô-ô, il y a aussi de la farine [143] de bled d'Inde hô-ô-ô, respondent ils, à chaque diuersité de mets.

After some talk, the server of the feast, who is usually the one who gives it, takes down the kettle from the fire,—or the kettles, if there are several,—and, placing them before him, he makes a speech or begins a song, and all the others join in. Sometimes he does neither, but simply says the words at the opening of the feast, which are never omitted,—namely, he declares of what it is composed; for example, he will say, "Men who are assembled here, it is such and such a one who gives this feast." They all answer in deep chest tones, hô-ô-ô. "The feast is composed of the flesh of Beavers." They again utter this aspiration, hô-ô-ô. "There is also some [143] Cornmeal." Hô-ô-ô, they respond, to each of the different dishes.

Pour les festins moins solemnels, celuy qui le faict s'addressant à quelqu'vn de ses amis, ou de ses parents, il luy dira, mon cousin, ou mon oncle, voila le Castor que i'ay pris, nous le mangerons maintenant, & alors tout le monde dit son hô-ô-ô, & voila le festin ouuert, duquel on ne sort point, que les mots par lesquels on le conclud ne soient dicts. Cela fait, le distributeur ramasse quelquefois la gresse de dessus la chaudiere & la boit luy tout seul, d'autres fois il en fait part à ses amis, quelquefois il en remplit vn grand & profond plat qui se presente à tous les conuiez comme i'ay dit, & chacun en boit sa part; si le festin est de pois, de farine, de bled d'Inde, ou de choses semblables demy liquides, il prend les Ouragans, ou escuelles d'vn chacun, & distribue la chaudiere, le plus esgalement qu'il luy est possible, leurs rendant leurs plats bien garnis, sans regarder par quel bout il commence; il n'y a ny honneur ny 288 blasme d'estre party le premier ou le dernier. Si le festin est de viande, il la tire auec vn baston pointu, [144] la met dans des plats d'escorce deuant soy, puis ayant ietté les yeux sur le nombre des conuiez, il la distribue comme il luy plaist, donnant à chacun abondamment, non pas egalement. Car il donnera les friants morceaux à ses confidents, voire mesme quand il a donné à tous vne bonne piece, commençant par ceux qui ne sont pas de sa Cabane, il rechargera iusques à deux & trois fois & non pas pour les autres, personne ne s'offence de ce procedé, car c'est la coustume.

As to their less solemn feasts, the one who gives them addresses each one of his friends, or relatives, and says to him, "My cousin, or my uncle, here is a Beaver that I have taken, we will now eat it;" and then every one utters his hô-ô-ô; and lo, the feast has begun, from which they do not emerge until the words with which they are to terminate it are uttered. When this is done, the distributor sometimes collects the grease from the kettle and drinks it all by himself; at other times, he shares it with his friends; then again, he fills a large, deep dish which is offered to all the guests, as I have said, and each one drinks his share. If the feast is of peas, flour, Cornmeal, or such half-liquid things, he takes the Ouragans, or dishes, of each one and divides what is in the kettle, as equally as he can, returning their plates to them well filled, without noticing at what end he began. There is neither honor nor disgrace in being served first or last. If the feast is of meat, he draws it out with a pointed stick, [144] puts it into some bark dishes before him; then, having cast his eyes over the number of guests, he distributes it as he pleases, giving to each one abundantly, but not equally. For he will give the dainty morsels to his intimate friends; and, even when he has given to each of them a good piece, beginning with those who are not of his Cabin, he will serve them again, even two or three times, and not the others. No one is offended at this proceeding, for it is the custom.

Il presente ordinairement la chair au bout d'vn baston, nommant la piece ou la partie de l'animal qu'il donne, en cette façon; si c'est la teste d'vn Castor, ou d'Asne sauuage, ou d'autre animal, il dira Nichta Koustigouanime; Mon cousin, voila ta teste, si c'est vn espaule, il dira voila ton espaule, si ce sont des boyaux, il en dira de mesme; d'autresfois ils disent simplemẽt, Khimitchimi, voila ton mets: mais prenez garde qu'ils n'ont point l'equiuoque en leur langue que nous auons en la nostre. On raconte d'vn certain, lequel rencontrant son amy, luy dit par courtoisie, si i'auois quelque chose digne de vous, ie vous inuiterois à des-jeusner en [145] nostre maison, mais ie n'ay rien du tout, son valet l'entendant luy repartit à la bõne foy, excusez-moy Monsieur, vous auez vne teste de veau, cela dit en lãgage Montagnais n'a rien de ridicule, pource qu'ils n'õt point d'equiuoque en ces termes, les mots qui signifient ma teste propre & la teste d'animal qui m'est donnée estants differents.

He usually offers the meat on the end of the stick, naming the piece or part of the animal which he is giving in this way; if it is the head of a Beaver or of a wild Ass, or some other animal, he will say, Nichta Koustigouanime, "My cousin, here is thy head;" if it is the shoulder, he will say, "Here is thy shoulder;" and if it is the intestines, he will name it in the same way; at other times they simply say, Khimitchimi, "Here is thy meat." But bear in mind that they have not the ambiguity in their language that we have in ours. They tell a story about a certain one, who, meeting his friend, said to him through courtesy, "If I had something worthy of you I would invite you to breakfast at [145] our house, but I have nothing at all." His servant hearing him, answered in good faith, "Excuse me, Sir, you have a calf's head." If this were said in the Montagnais language, there would be nothing ridiculous in it, for they have nothing ambiguous in such terms,—the words which mean "my own head" and "the head of an animal which is given me," being altogether different.

Celuy qui fait le festin & qui le distribue ne fait iamais sa part, il se contente de voir manger les autres 290 sans se rien retenir pour soy; neantmoins quand il y a peu de viures, si tost qu'il a tiré la viande de la chaudiere, son voisin ou son amy choisit les meilleurs morceaux par courtoisie, & les met à part; puis quand tout est distribué, il les presente au distributeur mesme, luy disant vn tel, voila ton mets, il respond comme tous les autres, hô-ô-ô.

The one who gives the feast and who serves it never takes part therein, but is satisfied in watching the others, without keeping anything for himself. However, when there is a scarcity of food, as soon as the meat is taken from the kettle, his neighbor or friend chooses the best pieces for politeness and puts them aside; then when all is distributed, he presents them to the distributor himself, saying to him, "Here is thy meat," and he answers like all the others, hô-ô-ô.

Ils ont quelques ceremonies, que ie n'entẽds pas bien faisant festin d'vn Ours, celuy qui l'auoit tué, fit rostir ses entrailles sur des branches de pin, prononçant quelques paroles que ie n'entendis pas, il y a quelque grand mystere là dedans: de plus on luy dõna l'os du cœur de l'animal, qu'il porte dans une petite bource matachiée, penduë à son col; faisans festin d'Orignac, [146] celuy qui luy auoit donné le coup mortel, & qui faisoit le festin, apres auoir distribué la chair, ietta de la gresse dans le feu, disant: papeouekou, papeouekou, i'ay desia expliqué ce que cela veut dire.

They have some ceremonies which I do not well understand, when they have a Bear feast; the one who has killed it has the entrails roasted over some pine branches, pronouncing some words which I do not comprehend. There is some great mystery in this; also they give him the heart-bone of the animal, which he carries in a little embroidered purse hung around his neck. When they have a Moose feast, [146] the one who has given it its deathblow, and who gives the feast, after having distributed the flesh, throws some grease into the fire, saying, papeouekou, papeouekou, of which I have already explained the meaning.

Le festin distribué, si c'est à manger tout, chacun mange en silence, quoy que quelqu'vns ne laissent pas de dire vn petit mot en passant: aux autres festins, encore qu'il soit permis de parler ordinairement, ils parlent fort peu, s'estonnans des François qui causent autant & plus en table qu'en autre temps: aussi nous appellent-ils des Oyes babillardes. Leurs bouches sont quasi grosses comme des œufs, & c'est le plaisir qu'ils prennent à gouster & à sauourer ce qu'ils mangent, qui leur ferme la bouche, & non l'honnesteté: Vous prendriez trop de plaisir à leur voir assaillir dãs leurs grandes escuelles d'escorce, vn Castor boüilly, ou rosty, notamment quand ils viennent de la chasse, ou de leur voir étudier vn os: 292 ie les ay veus tenir vn pied d'Orignac à deux mains par vn bout la bouche, & les dents faisants leur deuoir de l'autre: en sorte qu'ils me sembloient vouloir iouër de ces longues flutes d'Allemagne, sinon qu'ils alloient vn peu trop fort, pour auoir long temps bonne haleine: [147] quand ce qu'ils mangent leur agrée, vous leur entendez dire de fois à autre, ainsi que i'ay desia remarqué, tapoué nimitison, en verité ie mange, cõme si on en doutoit. Voila le grand tesmoignage qu'ils rendent du plaisir qu'ils prennent à vostre festin; au reste ayant succé, rongé, brisé les os qui leurs escheent pour en tirer la gresse & la mouëlle, ils les rejettent dans la chaudiere pleine de boüillõ qu'ils doiuent boire par apres, il est vray qu'aux bãquets à tout manger, ils sont deliurez de cette inciuilité, car il n'y a point d'os.

The feast distributed, if it is an eat-all, each one eats in silence, although some do not fail to say a word or two from time to time. In the other feasts, although they are usually permitted to speak, they speak very little, and are astonished at the French who talk as much and more at the table than at any other time, so they call us cackling Geese. Their mouths are almost as large as eggs, and it is the delight they have in tasting and relishing what they eat that closes their mouths, and not politeness. You would take genuine pleasure in seeing them attack, in their great bark dishes, a boiled or roasted Beaver, especially when they have just come from the chase, or in seeing them tackle a bone. I have seen them hold the foot of a Moose in their two hands by one end, the mouth and the teeth doing duty at the other, so that they seem to me to be playing on those long German flutes, except that they go at it with a little too much force to hold their wind long. [147] When they are eating something that they are very fond of, you will hear them say from time to time, as I have already remarked, tapoué nimitison, "I am really eating," as if any one doubted it. This is the great proof that they offer of the pleasure they experience at your feast. Now having sucked, gnawed, and broken the bones which fall to them, to get out the grease and marrow, they throw them back into the kettle of broth which they are to drink afterward. It is true that at the eat-all banquets this unmannerly trick is not practiced, for there are no bones.

Ayans mangé les mets qu'on a presenté, on distribue le boüillon de la chaudiere, dont chacun boit selon sa soif, si c'est vn banquet de deuotion, c'est à dire, à ne rien laisser, quelquefois il faut aussi boire tout le boüillon; d'autrefois il suffit qu'on mãge toute la viande, estant libre de boire ce qu'on voudra du boüillon. Quand le Maistre du festin void qu'on cesse de mãger, il dit les paroles qui terminent le banquet, qui sont celles-cy, ou autres semblables, Egou Khé Khiouiecou; or vous vous en irez, supplé, quand il vous plairra: le festin conclud, quelques vns demeurent vn peu de temps pour discourir, d'autres s'en vont aussi tost délogeans sans trompette; c'est à [148] dire, qu'ils sortent sans dire mot, par fois ils disent, Nikhiouan, ie m'en vay, on leur respond Niagouté, allez à la bonne-heure, voila le grand excez de leurs compliments.

Having eaten the meats that have been offered, the broth is served from the kettle, each one drinking of this according to his thirst. If it is a banquet of devotion, that is to say, a leave-nothing feast, sometimes they are also obliged to drink all the broth. At other times, it is enough if they eat all the meat, being free to drink what they want of the broth. When the Master of the feast sees them stop eating, he pronounces the words which terminate the banquet, which are the following, or others like them: Egou Khé Khiouiecou, "Now you will go away; return this feast when you please." The feast concluded, some remain a little while to talk, and others leave immediately, going out without trumpets; that [148] is, they go out without saying a word; sometimes they say, Nikhiouan, "I am going;" the answer is, Niagouté, "Go then." See the profuseness of their compliments.

294

CHAPITRE IX.

DE LEUR CHASSE & DE LEUR PESCHERIE.

COMMENÇONS par l'Elan, quand il y a peu de neiges, ils le tuent a coups de fleches, le premier que nous mangeasmes fut ainsi mis à mort, mais c'est vn grand hazard quand ils peuuent approcher de ces animaux à la portée de leurs arcs, car ils sentent les Sauuages de fort loing, & courent aussi viste que les Cerfs. Quand les neiges sont profondes, ils poursuiuent l'Elan à la course, & le tuent à coups d'espées, qu'ils emmanchent à de longs bastons pour cét effect: ils dardent ces espées quand ils n'osent ou ne peuuent aborder la beste, ils poursuiuent par fois deux & trois iours vn de ces animaux, les neiges n'estant, ny assez dures ny assez profondes d'autrefois vn enfant les tueroit quasi, car la neige venant à se glacer apres quelque petit dégel, ou quelque pluye, elle blesse ces pauures Orignaux, qui ne vont pas loing sans estre massacrez.

CHAPTER IX.

ON THEIR HUNTING AND FISHING.

LET us begin with the Elk. When there is very little snow, they kill it with arrows, the first that we ate being taken in this way. But it is a great stroke of luck when they can approach these animals within range of their bows, as they scent the Savages at a great distance, and run as fast as Deer. When the snow is deep, they pursue the Elk on foot, and kill it with thrusts from javelins which are fastened on long poles for this purpose, and which they hurl when they dare not or cannot approach the beast. Sometimes they chase one of these animals for two or three days, the snow being neither hard nor deep enough; while at other times a child could almost kill them, for, the snow being frozen after a slight thaw or rain, these poor Moose are hurt by it, and cannot go far without being slaughtered.

[149] On m'auoit dit que l'Elan estoit grand cõme vn mulet d'Auuergne, il est vray qu'il a la teste longue cõme vn mulet, mais ie le trouue aussi gros qu'vn bœuf, ie n'en ay veu qu'vn seul en vie, il estoit ieune, à peine le bois ou les cornes luy sortoient de la teste, ie n'ay point veu en France ny genisse, ny bouuillon, qui approchât de sa grosseur, ny de sa hauteur; il est haut monté comme le Cerf, son bois est haut branchu & plat en quelque façon, non rond 296 comme celuy des Cerfs, ie parle des bois que i'ay veu, peut-estre y en a-il d'autre façõ. Quelqu'vn m'a dit que la femelle portoit tousiours deux petits, & tousiours masle & femelle; mes Sauuages, au contraire, disent qu'elle en porte tantost vn tantost deux, & qu'vne seule fois ils en ont trouué trois dans vne femelle, ce qui les estonna comme vn prodige.

[149] I had been told that the Elk was as large as an Auvergne mule. True, its head is as long as that of a mule, but I find it as large as an ox. I have only seen one of them alive; it was young, and the branches or horns were just emerging from its head; I never saw in France either a heifer or young bullock that was as big or as high as it was. It is tall and erect, like the Deer; its horns are lofty, branching, and somewhat flat, not round like those of a Deer; I speak of the horns that I have seen, but there may be other kinds. I have been told that the female always bears two little ones, always male and female. On the contrary, my Savages tell me that she sometimes bears one, and sometimes two; and that once they found three in a female, which astonished them as if it were a prodigy.

I'ay quelque pensée qu'on pourra auec le temps domestiquer ces animaux, qu'on s'en pourra seruir pour le labourage, & pour tirer des tranées sur la neige, ce seroit vn grand soulagement.

I have sometimes thought that, in time, these animals might be domesticated, and could be used to till the soil and to draw sledges over the snow, which would be a great comfort.

Quand les Sauuages ont tué plusieurs Elans, & passé plusieurs iours en festins, ils pensent à leur prouision & à leur seicherie, ils vous étendrons sur des perches les deux costez d'vn grand Orignac, en ayant osté [150] les os: si la chair est trop épaisse, ils la leuẽt par laichent, & en outre la tailladent; afin que la fumée la desseiche & la penetre par tout, lors qu'elle commence à ce seicher ou boucaner, ils la battent auec des pierres, la soulent aux pieds, afin qu'il n'y demeure dedans aucun suc qui la puisse corrompre, enfin estant bien boucané, ils la plient & la mettent en paquets, voila leur prouision, le boucan est vn pauure manger, la chair fraische de l'Elã est fort aisée à digerer, elle ne dure point dãs l'estomac; voila pourquoy les Sauuages ne la font point tant cuire: Pour le goust, il me semble que la chair d'vn bœuf ne cede point à la chair d'vn bon Elan.

When the Savages have killed a number of Elks, and passed several days in feasting, they begin to think about drying them and laying them away. They will stretch upon poles the two sides of a large Moose, the bones thereof having [150] been removed. If the flesh is too thick, they raise it in strips and slash it besides, so that the smoke may penetrate and dry all parts. When they begin to dry or smoke this meat, they pound it with stones and tramp it under foot so that no juice may remain to spoil it. At last, when it is smoked, they fold and arrange it in packages, and this forms their future store. Dried meat is poor food, but the fresh meat of the Elk is very easy to digest. It does not remain long in the stomach, therefore the Savages do not cook it much. In regard to taste, it seems to me that beef is not inferior to good Elk meat.

Le Castor ou le Bieure se prend en plusieurs façõs. Les Sauuages disent que c'est l'animal bien aymé des François, des Anglois, & des Basques, en vn mot des Europeans; i'entendois vn iour mon hoste qui disoit en se gaussant, Missi picoutau amiscou, le Castor 298 fait toutes choses parfaictement bien, il nous faict des chaudieres, des haches, des espées, des couteaux, du pain, bref il fait tout; il se mocquoit de nos Europeans qui se passionnent pour la peau de cest animal, & qui se battent à qui dõnera le plus à ces Barbares, pour en auoir: [151] iusques là que mon hoste me dit vn iour me monstrant vn fort beau couteau, les Anglois n'ont point d'esprit, ils nous donnent vingts couteaux comme celuy là pour vne peau de Castor.

The Castor or Beaver is taken in several ways. The Savages say that it is the animal well-beloved by the French, English and Basques,—in a word, by the Europeans. I heard my host say one day, jokingly, Missi picoutau amiscou, "The Beaver does everything perfectly well, it makes kettles, hatchets, swords, knives, bread; and, in short, it makes everything." He was making sport of us Europeans, who have such a fondness for the skin of this animal and who fight to see who will give the most to these Barbarians, to get it; [151] they carry this to such an extent that my host said to me one day, showing me a very beautiful knife, "The English have no sense; they give us twenty knives like this for one Beaver skin."

Au Printemps, le Castor se prend à l'attrappe amorcée du bois dont il mange: les Sauuages sont tres-bien entendus en ces attrapes, lesquelles venant à se detendre, vne grosse piece de bois tombe sur l'animal & l'assomme, quelquefois les chiens rencontrant le Castor hors la Cabane, le poursuiuent & le prennent aisement; ie n'ay point veu cette chasse, mais on m'en a parlé, & les Sauuages font grand estat d'vn chiẽ qui sẽt & découure cét animal.

In the Spring, the Beaver is taken in a trap baited with the wood it eats. The Savages understand perfectly how to handle these traps, which are made to open, when a heavy piece of wood falls upon the animal and kills it. Sometimes when the dogs encounter the Beaver outside its House, they pursue and take it easily; I have never seen this chase, but have been told of it; and the Savages highly value a dog which scents and runs down this animal.

Pendant l'Hiuer ils le prennent à la rets & soubs la glace, voicy comment; on fend la glace en long, proche de la Cabane du Castor, on met par la fente vn rets & du bois qui sert d'amorce, ce pauure animal venant chercher à manger s'enlace dans ces filets faicts de bonne & forte ficelle double, & encore ne faut il pas tarder à les tirer, car ils seroiẽt bien tost en pieces, estãt sorty de l'eau par l'ouuerture faite en la glace, ils l'assõment auec vn gros bastõ.

During the Winter they capture them in nets and under the ice, in this way: They make a slit in the ice near the Beaver's House, and put into the hole a net, and some wood which serves as bait. This poor animal, searching for something to eat, gets caught in a net made of good, strong, double cord; and, emerging from the water to the opening made in the ice, they kill it with a big club.

L'autre façon de le prendre sous la glace est plus noble, tous les Sauuages n'en ont [152] pas l'vsage, mais seulement les plus habiles; ils brisent à coups de haches la Cabane ou maison du Castor, qui est en effect admirable, il n'y a mousquet qui la transperce à mon aduis, pendant l'Hiuer elle est bastie sur le 300 bord de quelque petit fleuue, ou d'vn estang faicte à double estage, sa figure est ronde, les materiaux dont elle est composée sont du bois & de la terre, si bien liez & vnis par ensemble, que i'ay veu nos Sauuages en plein Hiuer suer pour y faire ouuerture à coups de haches, l'estage d'embas est dãs ou sur le bord de l'eau, celuy d'enhaut est au dessus du fleuue, quand le froid a glacé les fleuues & les estãgs, le Castor se tient retiré en l'estage d'ẽhaut, où il a fait sa prouision de bois pour manger pendant l'Hiuer; il ne laisse pas neantmoins de descendre de cest estage en celuy d'embas, & de celuy d'embas il se glisse sous les glaces, par des trous qui sont en ce bas estage, & qui respondent sous les glaces: il sort pour boire & pour chercher du bois qu'il mange, lequel croist sur la riue des estangs, & dans les estangs mesme; ce bois par embas est pris dans les glaces, le Castor le va couper par dessous, & le porte en sa maison. Or les Sauuages ayans brisé cette maison, ces pauures animaux, qui sont par fois en grand nombre [153] sous vn mesme toict, s'en vont sous les glaces, qui d'vn costé, qui d'vn autre, cherchans des lieux vuides & creux entre l'eau & la glace, pour pouuoir respirer: ce que sçachans leurs ennemis, ils se vont pourmenans sur l'estang ou sur le fleuue glacé, portans vn long baston en main, armé d'vn costé d'vne tranche de fer, faite comme vn ciseau de Menuisier, & de l'autre d'vn os de Baleine, comme ie croy; ils sondent la glace auec cest os, frappans dessus & prenans garde si elle sonne creux, & si elle donne quelque indice de sa concauité, alors ils couppent la glace auec la tranche de fer, regardãs si l'eau n'est point agitée par le mouuement ou par la respiration du Castor: si l'eau remuë, 302 ils ont vn bastõ recourbé qu'ils fourrent dans le trou qu'ils viennent de faire, s'ils sentent le Castor, ils le tuẽt auec leur grand baston, qu'ils appellent ca ouikachit, & le tirans de l'eau, en vont faire curée tout aussi tost, si ce n'est qu'ils ayent grande esperance d'en prendre d'autres: Ie leur demandois pourquoy le Castor attendoit là qu'on le tuast, où ira il, me disoiẽt ils, sa maison est rompuë, les autres endroits où il peut respirer entre l'eau & la glace sont cassez, il demeure là dans l'eau, cherchant de l'air, cependant on l'assomme, il sort quelquefois [154] par la Cabane, ou par quelque trou, mais les chiens qui sont là, & qui le sentent, & l'attendent, l'ont bien tost attrapé.

The other way of taking them under the ice is more noble. Not all the Savages use [152] this method, only the most skillful; they break with blows from the hatchet the Cabin or house of the Beaver, which is indeed wonderfully made. In my opinion no musket ball can pierce it. During the Winter it is built upon the shore of some little river or pond, is two stories high, and round. The materials of which it is composed are wood and mud, so well joined and bound together that I have seen our Savages in Midwinter sweat in trying to make an opening into it with their hatchets. The lower story is in or upon the edge of the water, the upper is above the river. When the cold has frozen the rivers and ponds, the Beaver secludes himself in the upper story, where he has provided himself with wood to eat during the Winter. He sometimes, however, descends from this story to the lower one, and thence he glides out under the ice, through the holes which are in this lower story and which open under the ice. He goes out to drink and to search for the wood that he eats, which grows upon the banks of the pond and in the pond itself. This wood at the bottom is fastened in the ice and the Beaver goes below to cut it and carry it to his house. Now the Savages having broken this house, these poor animals, which are sometimes in great numbers [153] under one roof, disappear under the ice, some on one side, some on the other, seeking hollow and thin places between the water and ice, where they can breathe. Their enemies, knowing this, go walking over the pond or frozen river, carrying a long club in their hands, armed on one side with an iron blade made like a Carpenter's chisel, and on the other with a Whale's bone, I believe. They sound the ice with this bone, striking upon it and examining it to see if it is hollow; and if there is any indication of this, then they cut the ice with their iron blade, looking to see if the water is stirred up by the movement or breathing of the Beaver. If the water moves, they have a curved stick which they thrust into the hole that they have just made; if they feel the Beaver, they kill it with their big club, which they call ca ouikachit; and, drawing it out of the water, go and make a feast of it at once, unless they have great hopes of taking others. I asked them why the Beaver waited there until it was killed. "Where will it go?" they said to me; "its house is broken to pieces and the other places where it could breathe between the water and ice are broken; it remains there in the water, seeking air, and meanwhile it is killed." Sometimes [154] it goes out through its House, or some hole; but the dogs which are there, scenting and waiting for it, have soon caught it.

Lors qu'il y a quelque fleuue voisin, ou quelque bras d'eau conjoinct à l'estang où ils sont, ils se coulẽt la dedans; mais les Sauuages barrent ces fleuues quand ils les découurent, ils cassent la glace & fichent quantité de pieux les vns pres des autres, en sorte que le Castor ne peut euader par là. I'ay veu de grands lacs qui sauuoient la vie aux Castors, car nos gens ne pouuans casser tous les endroicts où ils pouuoient respirer, aussi ne pouuoient ils attraper leur proye; Il y a quelquefois deux menages de Castors dans vne mesme Cabane, c'est à dire deux masles & deux femelles auec leurs petits.

When there is a river near by, or an arm of water connecting with the pond where they are, they slip into that; but the Savages dam up these rivers when they discover them, breaking the ice and planting a number of stakes near each other, so that the Beaver may not escape in that direction. I have seen large lakes which saved the lives of the Beavers; for our people, not being able to break all the places where they could breathe, therefore could not trap their prey. Sometimes there are two families of Beavers in the same House, that is, two males and two females, with their little ones.

La femelle en porte iusques à sept, quatre, cinq, six pour l'ordinaire, ils ont quatre dents, deux embas & deux en haut merueilleusemẽt aterées, les autres deux sont petites, mais celles-cy sont grandes & tranchantes, ils s'en seruent pour couper les bois de leur prouision, & les bois dont ils batissent leur demeure, ils aiguisent ces dents quand elles sont emoucées, les 304 frottans & pressants les vnes contre [155] les autres, faisans vn petit bruit que i'ay oüy moy-mesme.

The female bears as many as seven, but usually four, five, or six. They have four teeth, two below, and two above, which are wonderfully drawn out; the other two are small, but these are large and sharp. They are used to cut the wood for their food, and the wood with which they build their house; they sharpen these teeth when they are dull, by rubbing and pressing them against [155] each other, making a little noise which I have myself heard.

Le Castor a le poil fort doux, les chapeaux qu'on en fait en sont tesmoins, il a des pieds forts courts & fort propres pour nager, car ils ont vne peau continue entre les ongles, à la façon des oyseaux de riuiere, ou des loups marins, sa queuë est toute platte, assez longuette faicte en ouale; i'en mesuray vne d'vn gros Castor, elle auoit vne paulme & huict doigts ou enuiron de longeur, & quasi vne paulme de la main en largeur, elle estoit assez épaisse, elle est couuerte, non de poil, mais d'vne peau noire figurée en écailles: ce ne sont pas pourtant de vrayes écailles: on prend icy le Castor pour vn animal amphiuie, voila pourquoy on en mange en tout temps: ma pensée est que sa gresse fonduë approche plus de l'huille que de la gresse, la chair en est fort bonne, elle m'a semblé vn peu fade au Printemps, & non pas en Hiuer; Au reste si sa peau surpasse la peau du mouton, la chair de mouton surpasse à mon aduis celle de Castor; tant pource qu'elle est de meilleur goust, comme aussi que le Moutõ est plus gros qu'vn Castor.

The Beaver has very soft fur, the hats made of it being an evidence of this. It has very short feet which are well adapted to swimming, for the nails are united by skin, in the same way as those of river-birds or seals; its tail is entirely flat, quite long and oval-shaped. I measured one of a large Beaver; it was a palm and eight fingers or thereabout in length, and almost one palm of the hand in width. It was quite thick, and was covered, not with hair, but with a black skin looking like scales; however, these are not real scales. The Beaver here is regarded as an amphibious animal, and therefore it is eaten in all seasons. My idea is that the grease when melted is more like oil than grease; the flesh is very good, but it seems to me a little stale in the Spring, and not so in Winter. But if the pelt of the Beaver excels the pelt of the sheep, the flesh of the sheep is superior, in my opinion, to that of the Beaver,—not only because it tastes better, but also because the Sheep is larger than the Beaver.

Le Porc épic se prend à l'attrape & à la course, le chien l'ayant découuert, il est [156] mort s'il n'est bien prés de son giste, qu'il faict sous de grandes roches, sous lesquelles s'estant retiré, il est en lieu d'asseurance; car ny les hõmes, ny les chiens, ne se sçauroient glisser là dessous, il ne peut courre sur la neige, voila pourquoy il est bien tost assommé, & n'est guere plus gros qu'vn gros cochon de laict, ses pointes ou piquerons sont blãcs, longuets & assez minces, entrelassez & entremeslez d'vn poil noir ou grisate: I'ay veu en France des armes où il y auoit des pointes de 306 Porcs épics trois fois plus longues & dix fois plus grosses & biẽ plus fermes que celles des Porcs épics de ce païs cy: les Sauuages m'ont dit que vers le fleuue de Saguenay, tirãt vers le Nord, ces animaux y estoient bien plus gros. Ils les brulent comme nous faisons les pourceaux en France, puis les ayant raclez, les font boüillir ou rostir, le manger en est bon, assez dur neantmoins, notamment des vieux, car les ieunes sont tendres & delicats; mais ils n'approchent point, ny de nos Porcs Sangliers, ny de nos Porcs domestiques.

The Porcupine is taken in a trap, or by coursing. The dog having discovered it, it is sure to be [156] killed if it is not very near its abode, which it makes under large rocks; having reached this, it is in a place of safety, for neither men nor dogs can crawl into it. It cannot run upon the snow, and is therefore very soon put to death. It is hardly larger than a good-sized sucking-pig. Its points or quills are white, long, and rather thin, interlaced and mixed with black or grayish hair. In France I have seen specimens of the Porcupine with quills three times longer and ten times thicker, and much stiffer than those of the Porcupines of this country. The Savages have told me that near the Saguenay river, toward the North, these animals are much larger. They singe them as we do pigs in France; and, after they are scraped, they are boiled or roasted, and are quite edible, although rather tough, especially the old ones, but the young ones are tender and delicate. But in taste they are not equal to either our Wild Boar or our common Pig.

Cest animal a les pieds tortus, & les iette en dehors, ses piquerons ont cette qualité, s'ils piquẽt vn chien ou quelque persõne, ils entrent incessamment, s'insinuans ou glissans petit à petit, & s'en allans ressortir par [157] la partie opposée à leur entrée; par exemple s'attachans au dos de la main, ils la transperceront & sortiront par le dedans. I'ay souuent veu les chiens tous herissez de ses pointes entrées desia à demy quand leurs Maistres les retiroient. Voulant considerer le premier qu'on apporta en la Cabane où ie demeurois auec les Sauuages, ie l'empoignay par la queuë, & le tiray vers moy, tous ceux qui me regardoient se mirent à rire, voyans cõme ie procedois; & de faict quoy que i'eusse tasché de le prendre dextremẽt, si est-ce que quantité de ces petites lances s'attacherent à mes mains, car il n'y a aiguille si pointuë, ie les retiray aussi tost, & les iettay dans le feu.

This animal has crooked feet, which it turns outward. Its quills have this peculiarity: if they stick into a dog or person they keep on penetrating, insinuating themselves or slipping in, little by little, and coming out [157] opposite where they entered. For example, if they stick into the back of the hand they will go through it, and come out on the inside. I have often seen dogs bristling with these quills, already thrust half-way into them when their Masters draw them out. Wishing to examine the first one that was brought into the Cabin where I was staying with the Savages, I caught it by the tail and drew it toward me. All those who were looking on began to laugh at the way I went at it; and, in fact, although I had tried to take hold of it adroitly, nevertheless a number of these little spears stuck into my hand, for there is no needle so sharp. I immediately drew them out, and threw them into the fire.

L'Ours au Printemps se prend à l'attrape, l'Hiuer ils le trouuẽt dans des arbres creux où il se retire, passans plusieurs mois sans manger, & cependant il ne laisse pas d'estre fort gras, ils couppent l'arbre pour faire sortir la proye qu'ils assomment sur la neige, où bien à la sortie de son giste.

Bears are taken in a trap, in the Spring. In the Winter they are found in hollow trees, to which they withdraw, passing several months without eating, and yet they continue to be very fat. They fell a tree, to make their prey emerge, which they kill upon the snow, or as it is coming from its abode.

308 Ils prennent les Lieures au lacet, ou les tuent auec leurs arcs ou matras; i'ay desia remarqué autrefois que ces animaux sont blancs pendant les neiges, & gris en autre temps, ie les trouue vn peu plus hauts & plus pattus que ceux de France. Ils tuent les [158] Marthes & les Escurieux en mesme façon; voila les chasses d'animaux terrestres que i'ay veu.

Hares are caught in nets, or are killed with arrows or darts. I have already stated elsewhere that these animals are white during the snow, and gray at other times. They seem to me to be a little higher and more rough-footed than those of France. They kill [158] Martens and Squirrels in the same way. These are the methods of hunting terrestrial animals, so far as I have seen them.

Pour les oiseaux, ils en tuent quelques vns auec leurs arcs, se seruans de fleches & de Matras, mais c'est fort raremẽt: depuis qu'ils ont traitté des armes à feu auec les Anglois, ils sont deuenus demy Gibboyeurs, quelques vns d'entr'eux tirent assez bien; mon hoste est l'vn de leurs meilleurs harquebusiers, ie luy ay veu tuer quelques Outardeaux, quelques Canards & Becassines, mais leur poudre est bien tost vsée.

As to the birds, some are killed with bows, arrows and Darts being used; but this is done rarely. Since they have come into possession of firearms, through their traffic with the English, they have become fair Huntsmen, some of them shooting very well. My host is one of their best musketeers; I have seen him kill Bustards, Ducks and Snipes; but their powder is very soon exhausted.

Quand à leur pesche, ils se seruent de rets, cõme nous qu'ils traittent des François, & des Hurons: ils ont vne façon particuliere de pescher le Saulmon, mais ne m'y estant pas trouué, ie n'en diray rien.

As to their fishing, they use nets as we do, which they get in trade from the French and Hurons. They have a special way of fishing for Salmon; but, not having seen it, I will not speak of it.

Pour l'Anguille, ils la peschent en deux façons auec vne nasse, où auec vn harpon. Ils font des nasses auec assez d'industrie, longues & grosses, capable de tenir cinq & six cens anguilles: la mer estant basse, ils les placent sur le sable, en quelque lieu propre & reculé, les asseurans en sorte que les marées ne les emportent point: aux deux costez ils ramassent des pierres qu'ils étendent comme vne chaisne ou [159] petite muraille de part & d'autre, afin que ce poisson qui va tousiours au fond rencontrãt cest obstacle, se glisse doucement vers l'emboucheure de la nasse où le conduisent ces pierres; la mer venant à se grossir, couure la nasse, puis se rabaissant, on la va 310 visiter: par fois on y trouue cẽt ou deux cẽts Anguilles d'vne marée, d'autrefois trois cẽt, quelquefois point du tout, quelquefois, six, huict, dix, selon les vents & les temps: Quand la mer est agitée, on en prend beaucoup, quand elle est calme, peu ou point, mais alors ils ont recours à leur harpon.

In regard to Eels, they fish for them in two ways, with a weir and with a harpoon. They make the weirs very ingeniously, long and broad, capable of holding five or six hundred eels. When the water is low, they place these upon the sand in a suitable and retired spot, securing them so that they are not carried away by the tides. At the two sides they collect stones, which they extend out like a chain or [159] little wall on both sides; so that this fish, which always swims toward the bottom, encountering this obstacle, will readily swim toward the mouth of the net, to which these stones guide it. When the sea rises, it covers the net; then, when it falls, they go and examine it. Sometimes they find there one or two hundred Eels in a single tide, at other times three hundred, often none at all; at other times six, eight, ten, according to the winds and the weather. When the sea is rough, many of them are taken; when it is calm, few or none, and then they have recourse to their harpoon.

Ce harpon est vn instrument, composé d'vn long baston, gros de trois doigts, au bout duquel ils attachent vn fer pointu, lequel ils armẽt de part & d'autre de deux petits bastons recourbés, qui se viennent quasi ioindre au bout de la pointe du fer: quand ils viennent à frapper vne anguille de ce harpon, ils l'embrochent dans ce fer les deux baston adjoincts, cedans par la force du coup, & laissãs entrer l'anguille; puis se reserrans d'eux mesme, car ils ne s'ouurent que par la secousse du coup, ils empeschent que l'anguille embrochée ne ressorte.

This harpoon is an instrument composed of a long pole, two or three fingers thick, at the end of which they fasten a piece of pointed iron, which is provided on both sides with two little curved sticks, which almost come together at the end of the iron point. When they strike an eel with this harpoon, they impale it upon the iron, the two pieces of stick yielding by the force of the blow and allowing the eel to enter; then closing of themselves, because they only open through the force of the blow, they prevent the impaled eel from getting away.

Cette pesche au harpon, ne se fait ordinairement [160] que la nuict, ils se mettẽt deux Sauuages dans vn canot, l'vn derriere qui le gouuerne & qui rame, & l'autre est deuant, lequel à la faueur d'vn flambeau d'écorce, attaché à la prouë de son vaisseaux, s'en va cherchant la proye de ses yeux, rodans doucement sur le bord de ce grãd fleuue, apperceuãt vne Anguille, il lance son harpon sans le quitter, la perce comme i'ay dit, puis la iette dans son canot; il y en a tel qui en prendra trois cens en vne nuict, & bien dauantage, quelquefois fort peu. C'est chose estrange de la quantité de ce poisson qui se retrouue en cette grãde riuiere, és mois de Septembre & d'Octobre, & cela deuant l'habitation de nos François, dont quelques vns de ceux qui ont demeuré plusieurs années sur le pays, se sont rendus aussi experts en cét art que les Sauuages.

This harpoon fishing is usually done [160] only at night. Two Savages enter a canoe,—one at the stern, who handles the oars, and the other at the bow, who, by the light of a bark torch fastened to the prow of his boat, looks around searchingly for the prey, floating gently along the shores of this great river. When he sees an Eel, he thrusts his harpoon down, without loosening his hold of it, pierces it in the manner I have described, then throws it into his canoe. There are certain ones who will take three hundred in one night, and even more, sometimes very few. It is wonderful how many of these fish are found in this great river, in the months of September and October; and this immediately in front of the settlement of our French, some of whom, having lived several years in this country, have become as expert as the Savages in this art.

312 On croit que cette grande abondance, prouient de quelques lacs des pays plus hauts, qui venans à se dégorger nous font present de cette manne, qui nous nourrit, non seulement tout le Caresme & autres iours de poissons, mais aussi en autre tẽps.

It is thought that this great abundance is supplied by some lakes in the country farther north, which, discharging their waters here, make us a present of this manna that nourishes us, not only during all the time of Lent and other fish days, but also at other seasons.

Les Sauuages font secherie de ces lõgs poissons à la fumée; estans apportez dans leurs Cabanes, ils les laissent vn peu de [161] temps égouster, puis leur couppent la teste & la queuë, ils les ouurent par le dos, puis les ayans vuidées ils les tailladent, afin que la fumée entre par tout: les perches de leurs Cabanes en sont toutes chargées, estans bien boucanées, ils les accouplent & en font de gros paquets, en mettans enuiron vne centaine ensemble; voila leurs viures iusques à la neige qui leur donne de l'Orignac.

The Savages dry these long fish in smoke. After they are brought into their Cabins, they let them drain a [161] little while; then, cutting off their heads and tails, they open them up the back, and after they are cleaned, they are cut with slits, so that the smoke may thoroughly penetrate them. The poles of their Cabins are all loaded with these eels. After being well smoked, they are piled together in large packages, about a hundred being placed in each. Here you have their food up to the season of snow, which brings them the Moose.

Ils tuent le Loup marin à coups de baston, le surprenant lors que sortant de l'eauë, il se va éguayer sur quelques roches au Soleil, car ne pouuant courir, s'il est tant soit peu esloigné de son element il est perdu.

They kill the Seal with blows from a club, surprising it when it comes out of the water. It goes to Sun itself upon the rocks, and not being able to run, if it is ever so little distant from its element it is lost.

C'est assez pour ce chapitre, ie ne fais pas profession de tout dire, mais seulement de remarquer vne partie des choses qui m'ont semblé deuoir estre escrites, qui voudra auoir vne pleine cognoissance de ces contrées, qu'il lise ce qu'en a escrit Monsieur de Champlain, si faut il auant que ie passe outre; que ie dise deux mots de quatre animaux, que ie n'ay point veu en France, ie ne sçay où les loger, sinõ au bout de ce chapitre.

This is enough for this chapter. I do not pretend to tell everything, but only to jot down some of the things which seem to me worthy of record. Whoever wishes to gain a full knowledge of these countries should read what Monsieur de Champlain has written about them. But, before I pass on, I must say a few words about four animals that I have never seen in France. I do not know where to place them, except at the end of this chapter.

L'vn se nomme des Sauuages Ouinascou, [162] nos François l'appellẽt le siffleur ou le Rossignol, ils luy ont donné ce nom, pource qu'encore qu'il soit de la chasse des animaux terrestres, il chante neantmoins 314 cõme vn oiseau, ie dirois volontiers qu'il siffle comme vne Linotte bien instruite, sinon qu'il m'est aduis qu'il ne sçait qu'vne chanson, c'est à dire qu'il n'a pas vne grande varieté de tons, mais il dit tres-bien la leçon que la nature luy a apprise. Il est enuiron de la grosseur d'vn Lieure, d'vn poil roux; quelques vns m'ont asseuré qu'il se roule en peloton, & que comme vn Liron il dort tout l'Hiuer, sans qu'on le puisse réueiller, ie n'en ay point veu que l'Esté, cest animal est vn excellent manger, ny le Lieure n'en approche pas.

One of them is called by the Savages Ouinascou; [162] our French call it the whistler or Nightingale.22 They have given it this name, because although it belongs to terrestrial animals, yet it sings like a bird; I might say that it whistles like a well taught Linnet, were it not that I think it only knows one song; that is to say, it has not a great variety of tones, but it says very well the lesson that nature has taught it. It is about the size of a Hare and has a reddish skin. Some have assured me that it rolls itself into a ball, and, like the Dormouse, it sleeps all Winter, it being impossible to awaken it. I have only seen this animal in the Summer; it is excellent eating, and excels the Hare.

L'autre est vn animal basset, de la grandeur des petits chiens, ou d'vn chat, ie luy donne place icy, non pour son excellence, mais pour en faire vn symbole du peché; i'en ay veu trois ou quatre, il est d'vn poil noir assez beau & luisant, il porte sur son dos deux rayes toutes blãches, qui se ioignãs vers le col & proche de la queuë, font vne ouale qui luy dõne tres-belle grace; la queuë est touffuë & [163] bien fournie de poil, cõmme la queuë d'vn Regnard, il la porte retroussée, cõme vn Escurieux, elle est plus blanche que noire, vous diriez à l'œil notãment quant il marche, qu'il meriteroit estre nommé le petit chien de Iupiter; mais il est si puant, & iette vne odeur si empestée, qu'il est indigne d'estre appellé le chien de Pluton, il n'y a voirie si infecte; ie ne l'aurois pas creu si ie ne l'auois senty moy mesme, le cœur vous manque quasi quand vous en approchez, on en a tué deux dans nostre court; plusieurs iours apres il sẽtoit si mal par tout nostre maison, qu'on n'en pouuoit supporter l'odeur. Ie croy que le peché que sentit saincte Catherine de Sienne, deuoit estre de mesme puanteur.

The other is a low animal, about the size of a little dog or cat. I mention it here, not on account of its excellence, but to make of it a symbol of sin. I have seen three or four of them. It has black fur, quite beautiful and shining; and has upon its back two perfectly white stripes, which join near the neck and tail, making an oval which adds greatly to their grace. The tail is bushy and [163] well furnished with hair, like the tail of a Fox; it carries it curled back like that of a Squirrel. It is more white than black; and, at the first glance, you would say, especially when it walks, that it ought to be called Jupiter's little dog. But it is so stinking, and casts so foul an odor, that it is unworthy of being called the dog of Pluto. No sewer ever smelled so bad. I would not have believed it if I had not smelled it myself. Your heart almost fails you when you approach the animal; two have been killed in our court, and several days afterward there was such a dreadful odor throughout our house that we could not endure it. I believe the sin smelled by sainte Catherine de Sienne must have had the same vile odor.

Le troisiéme est vn Escurieux volant, il y en a icy 316 de trois especes. Les vns sont communs, & sont non si beaux que ceux de France, les autres que nos François nomment Suisses, pour estre bigarrez sur le dos, sont tres-beaux & fort petits; les Escurieux volans sont assez beaux, leur excellence consiste en ce qu'ils volent; ce n'est pas qu'ils ayent des aisles, mais ils ont vne certaine peau aux [164] deux costez, qu'ils replient fort proprement contre leur ventre quand ils marchent, puis l'estendent quand ils volent. Leur vol n'est pas à mon aduis de longue haleine, i'en ay veu voler vn, il se soustenoit fort bien en l'air, mon hoste me l'auoit donné; ie le voulois enuoyer à V.R. mais la mort, la deliuré d'vn si lõg voïage.

The third is a flying Squirrel. There are three kinds of squirrels here. The first are the common squirrels, which are not so beautiful as those in France. The others, which our French call Swiss, because they are spotted upon the back, are very beautiful and quite small. The flying Squirrels are rather pretty, but their chief merit lies in their flying. Not that they have wings, but they have a certain piece of skin on [164] both sides, which they fold up very neatly against their stomachs when they walk, and spread out when they fly. I do not think they take long flights; I saw one of them flying, and it sustained itself very well in the air. My host gave me one; I would send it to Your Reverence, but death has freed it from so long a voyage.

Le quatriéme se nomme de nos François l'oiseau mouche, pource qu'a peine est il plus gros qu'vne abeille, d'autres l'appellent l'oiseau fleur, pource qu'il se nourrit sur les fleurs, c'est à mon iugement l'vne des grãdes raretez de ce païs cy, & vn petit prodige de la nature, Dieu me semble plus admirable en ce petit oiseau qu'en vn grand animal, il bruit en volans comme vne abeille; ie l'ay veu quelquefois se soustenir en l'air, becquetant vne fleur, son bec est longuet, son plumage me sembloit d'vn verd paré; ceux qui l'appellent l'oiseau fleur diroient mieux en mon iugement, le nommant la fleur des oiseaux.

The fourth is called by our French the fly-bird, because it is scarcely larger than a bee; others call it the flower-bird, because it lives upon flowers. It is in my opinion one of the great rarities of this country, and a little prodigy of nature. God seems to me more wonderful in this little bird than in a large animal. It hums in flying, like the bee; I have sometimes seen it hold itself in the air and stick its bill into a flower. Its bill is rather long, and its plumage seems to be a mottled green. Those who call it the flower-bird would, in my opinion, speak more correctly if they would call it the flower of birds.

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOL. VI

XXI

See Volume V. for particulars of this document.

XXII

The incomplete letter from Paul le Jeune to his provincial, dated at Quebec, 1634 (without month or day), we obtain from Carayon's Première Mission, pp. 122-156. The original, written in French, is in the archives of the Gèsu, at Rome, where in 1858 it was copied for Carayon, by Father Martin; this apograph now rests in the archives of St. Mary's College, Montreal.

XXIII

In reprinting the text of Le Jeune's Relation of 1634 (closed at Quebec, August 7), we follow the example of the first edition (Paris, 1635), in the Lenox Library; but the "Table des Chapitres" we obtain from that library's copy of the second edition, as this feature is not a part of the first. These two editions are known to bibliographers as "H. 60" and "H. 61," respectively, because referred to in Harrisse's Notes, nos. 60 and 61. The "Privilege" bears date, December 8, 1634, four months and a day later than the date of the document.

Collation of first edition: Title, with verso blank, 1 l.; Privilege, with verso blank, 1 l.; text, pp. 1-342. The signatures of the text are in eights, except Y which is in six, the last three leaves being blank, one of which is usually pasted to the cover. There are two copies of this edition (H. 60) in the Lenox Library. In one of these the paragraph of fourteen lines beginning, "Le 24. du mesme mois" is, through an error, given on p. 327, after the paragraph commencing with "Le premier de Iuillet." In the other copy this is corrected by transposition, the former paragraph appearing on p. 326. This peculiarity serves to fix the priority of editions; for in H. 61 the reprinter has followed the corrected issue of H. 60 in this respect, though not line for line. This is likewise true of the Avignon edition, noticed below.

The second edition collates as follows: Title, with verso blank, 1 l.; text, pp. 1-342; "Table des Chapitres," 1 l.; "Extraict du Priuilege du Roy," with verso blank, 1 l. The signatures are A-Y in eights; sig. Y consists of text, 3 ll.; table, 1 l.; privilege, 1 l.; blank, 3 ll.

The pagination is quite erratic. In two copies of the first edition which we have examined, the following errors appear in both: 132 mispaged 332; 229 mispaged 129; 321 and 322 mispaged 323 and 324; 335 mispaged 33. In the first issue of this edition 66 and 67 are mispaged 67 and 68, and 70 and 71 are mispaged 60 and 61; but in the second issue of this edition these latter mistakes have been corrected. In the second edition 220, 221, 281, 310, and 321-336 are mispaged 200, 121, 283, 210, and 323-338, respectively.

The second edition (H. 61) is in every way a reprint, varying from the first edition in line and page-lengths, in contractions, in line-endings, in text, in folio headings, and in typographic style. While the title-pages of both editions end similarly, line for line, the type of the first edition is generally larger than that of the second; L'ANNE'E and M DC. XXXV in the first, are printed L'ANNEE and M. DC. XXXV, in the second edition. In the Privilege of the first edition the head ornament consists of eighteen parts, bisected by four dots; but in the second there are but seventeen parts without a division. The word "consecutiues" in the first is printed "cõsecutiues" in the second; many similar differences in the text, too numerous to mention here, are evident. Among other differences may be noted the fact that whereas, in the first edition, native words are sometimes set in Roman and sometimes in Italic, they are uniformly in Italic in the second edition.

There is still another, a third, edition of this Relation of 1634, which may be designated as the Avignon edition. The only copy known to us is in the Lenox Library. It is imperfect; for almost half of the upper part of the title-page, half of leaf A₄ (pp. 7 and 8), and nearly the whole of the last four pages (413-416) are lacking. It was reprinted, together with the Relation of 1635, and the following title is restored by conjecture, through the help of the wording of similar lines in other Relations.

[Relations] | d[e ce qvi s'est passé] | en [la Novvelle France,] | en [les années 1634 et 1635.] | Enuoyée a[u R. Pere Provincial de] | la Compagni[e de Iesvs en la] | Prouince de F[rance.] | Par le Pere le Ievne de la m[esme] | Compagnie, Superieur de la | Residence de Kebec. | [A cross patté] | En Avignon, | De l'Imprimerie de Iaqves Bramereav, | Imprimeur de sa Sainctetè, de la Ville, & | Vniuersité. Auec permission des Superieurs | M. DC. XXXVI. |

Collation: Title, with verso blank, 1 l.; preface headed "A MESSIEVRS," etc., pp. (8); Le Jeune's Relation of 1634, pp. 1-269; p. 270 blank; Relation of 1635, pp. 271-336; Brébeuf's Huron Relation, pp. 337-392; Perrault's Relation of Cape Breton, pp. 393-400; "Divers Sentimens," pp. 401-416. Sig. a in five, and A-Cc in eights. Sig. O is by mistake printed Oo; pp. 27, 152, 212, 323, and 345 are mispaged 77, 52, 122, 223, and 245, respectively. There is a special preface, as follows, covering eight unnumbered pages:

A Messievrs les Prefect, Assistans, Conseillers, & Confreres
de la grande Congregation de N. Dame erigée au
College d'Auignon sous le tiltre de l'immaculee
Cōception de la Vierge.

MESSIEVRS,

Voicy des Sauuages qui sortent de leurs forests, pour se produire au iour dans la France, & changer d'air & d'humeur dans le plus agreable seiour du monde. Ils [2] viennent de paroistre à la Cour, ou l'on a pris plaisir a voir ces visages d'vn autre monde: le Roy les à veus comme l'vne des conquestes de sa pieté & celuy qui luy a presenté cette Relation à eu le mesme accueil que le courrier qui luy auroit porté les nouuelles d'vne Prouince gaignée. Ce grand Genie de l'Estat venant de forcer l'Heresie dans ses meilleures villes, a fait passer encore son zele au dela des mers, pour y donner la chasse à l'Idolatrie, iusques dans ses forests. Il est vray qu'il a fallu plus de sueur que de sang en vne guerre, d'où l'on ne pretendoit autre auantage que sur des ames, & où l'on ne [3] vouloit rien gaigner que sur des esprits, qui ne sont difficiles a estre vaincus, que parce qu'ils sont trop foibles. Vous verrez des catécumenes, chez qui la premiere disposition pour estre Chrestiens, c'est de deuenir Hommes; & peutestre que vous benirez auec moy les trauaux de ces conquerans de la Croix, que la charité arrache du sein de leur patrie pour changer le Ciel de la Frãce en vn climat qui voit d'autres astres que cettui-cy, & où l'on n'a rien de commun auec nous que les Elemens. Au reste ie vous presente cet ouurage comme vne piece qui est toute acquise à vostre Maistresse, & que i'appends comme [4] vn anatheme voué à cet auguste Oratoire où la Reyne du Ciel voit autour de ses Autels l'vne des plus honorables assemblées qui soient en France. Vous aurez de la consolation à voir des Pays inconnus, qui donnent des seruiteurs à MARIE, & la passion que vous auez pour sa gloire, vous fera prendre vos interests dans les heureux progrez que ces commencemens nous promettent, puisque la creance du Fils est la premiere disposition à l'honneur de la Mere: vous estes les domestiques de l'vn & de l'autre; & voicy des Estrangers qui cherchent de la faueur, & qui esperent que comme MARIE [5] agréera le bon accueil que ses deuots feront aux nouueaux subiets de JESVS aussi IESVS les verra de bon œil, si les deuots de MARIE les luy presentent. Que si nos Canadois à leur abord vous saluent de mauuaise grace, Messieurs, ne vous rebutez pas; ce sont les complimens d'vn peuple qui voit plus souuent des Elans que des hommes, & que nos François appriuoisent à la vie ciuile, sous des cabanes. Ie sçay bien que dans l'estat ou vous les verrez vous ne leur donnerez aucun autre rapport auec nous que celuy de la figure, & que vous iugerez que dans le rang des natures intelligentes, [6] ils composent vne espece nouuelle, entre l'hōme & la beste: & cela mesme à mon iugemēt doit seruir à les faire mieux receuoir, puisque vous lirez sur ces faces mal-faittes les obligatiõs immortelles que vous auez à cette Prouidence qui à contribué autant de perfections differentes pour vous rendre accomplis, qu'elle a laissé de defauts dans les corps, & dans les esprits de nos pauures Sauuages. Peutestre que le commerce qu'ils ont auec nos François leur sera vne leçon ordinaire de cette humanité dont nous tenons eschole ouuerte à toute l'Europe. Qui sçait si ces landes steriles seront vn iour l'vne des [7] belles parties du monde. Pourrions nous bien desauoüer que ces belles Prouinces que nous habitōs maintenant, & où les Nations estrangeres viennent faire l'amour aux Graces, n'ayent esté autrefois la Nouuelle France? & les Peres de ceux qui viennent estudier chez nous l'art de viure auec les hommes, n'ont-ils pas fait passer nos ancestres pour des Barbares? Que si nos Peres ont seulement adoré des Dieux d'or & de marbre, nos Sauuages ne sont pas plus impies, pour estre superstitieux auec moins de despense; & tousiours ils auront cet auantage qu'ils ne perdront pas tant a brusler leurs Idoles. Que si [8] vous agrées (Messieurs) cete offre, ie redoubleray mes vœus & mes prieres pour haster la conuersion de ces peuples afin que ma presse suë plus souuent, & trauaille sur quelque ouurage plus grand ou vous recognoistrez que ie suis.

MESSIEVRS,

Vostre tres-humble & tres obeissant seruiteur.

IAQVES BRAMEREAV.

The Avignon has one peculiarity which we have not seen noted elsewhere. Signature F ends on p. 96 with the catch-word "Pour." In commencing the next sheet, signature G, the printer begins with the word "Pour" found near top of p. 130 of the Paris first issue; from that point, he continues his type-setting, seemingly without discovering that he has omitted the whole of the matter from line 4, p. 125, to line 3, p. 130 of the Paris first edition.

Harrisse's descriptions (nos. 60, 61, and 64) are entirely useless, being in these titles very inaccurate. There are errors and omissions, too, in Sabin, vol. xvi., p. 537, nos. iii. and iv. As the statements of other catalogues and bibliographies are generally based on these, we omit, in this case, to refer to them. Copies of the Paris editions have been sold or priced as follows: Barlow (1889), no. 1274, $25.; O'Callaghan (1882), no. 1215, first edition, $9.; no. 1213, second edition, but called there first, $65.—it had cost him 68 francs; Moore sale, pt. 2 (1894), no. 639, second edition, $10.; Dufossé, of Paris, priced (1891 and 1892) at 150 francs; Harrassowitz, of Leipzig, priced (1882) at 180 marks. Copies of the Paris editions, first or second, may be found in the following libraries: Lenox (2 editions), Harvard, Library of Parliament (Ottawa), Brown (private), British Museum, and Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris.

NOTES TO VOL. VI

(Figures in parentheses, following number of note, refer to pages of English text.)

1 (p. 35).—This was the motto of the Society of Jesus; it was a favorite expression with Loyola, and was adopted by him as the rule of his life. It became thus the rule of the Jesuit order, expressing the consecration of the lives of its members "to the greater glory of God."

2 (p. 35).—Jean de Lauson (or Lauzon), one of the most influential men in the affairs of Canada during more than thirty years, was born in 1582. In 1627, he was a member of both the state and privy councils; a member of the tribunal known as "requêtes de l'hotel," whose office was to bring petitions of individuals before the royal council; and president of the grand council. In the same year, he was appointed intendant of Richelieu's Company of New France, holding this post for about ten years. He acquired, for both himself and his family, large seigniories; the most important of these was the island of Montreal, which, however, he transferred (Aug. 7, 1640) to Dauversière and his associates, who founded the Montreal colony.

In January, 1651, Lauson was appointed governor of Canada, where he arrived in October following. Nine days later, he married (as his second wife) Anne Després, sister-in-law of Sieur Duplessis-Bochart (see vol. v., note 34). Lauson's administration, lasting till the end of 1656, was marked by quarrels with the Montreal colony, and by general disaffection among the residents of Canada. He cared less, apparently, for the needs or welfare of the country than for his own aggrandizement; and he was unfitted, by age and by lack of resolution, for the position he held,—especially at this time, when the Iroquois were a constant menace to the entire St. Lawrence region. He was, however, friendly to the Jesuits, and conferred many favors upon them. He died in February, 1666.

3 (p. 37).—Davost and Daniel had arrived, with the latter's brother, at the Grand Cibou (Cape Breton), in 1632; and in the following year they went thence to Quebec with Champlain (see vol. v., notes 53, 54).

4 (p. 43).—Concerning Three Rivers, see vol. iv., note 24.

5 (p. 43).—Jacques Buteux was born at Abbeville, April 11, 1600; and at the age of twenty entered the Jesuit novitiate at Rouen. His studies were pursued at La Flèche; he was an instructor at Caen during 1625-29, and superintendent of the school at Clermont, 1633-34. In the latter year, he was sent to the Canada mission, and in September went with Le Jeune to the new settlement of Three Rivers. Here he remained (as superior, during 1639-42, and 1647-52), ministering to the Montagnais and Algonkin tribes, among whom he frequently journeyed. His death occurred May 10, 1652, while ascending the St. Maurice River, on a journey to the country of the Attikamègues; attacked by a hostile band of Iroquois, he was slain by them, and thrown into the river. Buteux, though of frail and delicate physique, was filled with zeal for the conversion of the savages, and longed for the glory of a martyr's death. Mother Mary of the Incarnation writes that his was "an incredible loss to the mission."

6 (p. 47).—All our men: a number of skilled artisans had been sent over in 1634, with Le Jeune; and they proceeded, under De Nouë's direction, to rebuild the Jesuit residence, which had suffered greatly during the capture of Quebec and the English occupation. They also built a small house for the priests in charge of Champlain's chapel, Notre Dame de Récouvrance (see vol. iv., note 20).

7 (p. 69).—Notre-Dame des Anges: this name was given first by the Récollets to their convent at Quebec (see vol. iv., note 22); the Jesuits adopted the appellation for their own church and residence not far distant, on the site once occupied by Cartier's fort, at the confluence of the St. Charles and Lairet rivers. The Jesuits were granted, in 1626, a seigniory on the St. Charles, which was named Notre-Dame des Anges.

8 (p. 75).—Robert Giffard, sieur of Beauport, was born in 1587, at Mortagne, France. He was a physician, and Sulte says that he had an appointment in that capacity, on the ships that were annually sent to Canada. In 1627, he had a hunting-lodge at La Canardière, where two Frenchmen were murdered by the Indians. He left Canada, upon its seizure by the English; but having obtained (Jan. 15, 1634) the concession of Beauport, below Quebec, he, in the following May, conducted thither a colony, under the escort of Duplessis-Bochart. He was (after Hébert) the first real colonist in Canada, the first who obtained from the soil support for his establishment. Lists of Giffard's censitaires are given by Sulte (Can.-Français, vol. ii., pp. 50-52, 57). In 1647, he obtained another and larger grant of land, known as the fief St. Gabriel. He transferred a part of this concession to the Hurons of New Lorette, March 13, 1651; another part to the hospital nuns (which order one of his daughters had joined two years before), Aug. 20, 1652; and the remainder to the Jesuits, Nov. 2, 1657, but five months before his death. In September, 1648, Giffard was elected a member of the colonial council. In August, 1652, his daughter Marie Louise (then aged thirteen) married Charles de Lauson, son of the governor. Giffard was a prominent and public-spirited citizen of New France.

9 (p. 101).—Nicholas Rohault, Marquis de Gamache (or Gamaches), was a nobleman of Picardy. His eldest son, René Rohault, was born May 25, 1609, not far from Amiens, in which city he was a pupil at the Jesuit college. René became a novice in that order, March 9, 1626, at Paris,—largely through the influence of Coton, then provincial of France, whose death occurred but ten days later. Upon entering his novitiate, René persuaded his father to give the Jesuits a part of his own patrimony, for the establishment of a school in connection with their Canadian mission. De Gamache accordingly gave them, for his son, 16,000 écus of gold (Charlevoix erroneously says 6,000); and added, as a personal gift from himself, an annuity of 3,000 livres, to be paid as long as he should live. René pursued his studies successively at Paris, Amiens, Eu, and La Flèche, and preached three years at Eu, where he died June 29, 1839.

Le Jeune had opened, about the beginning of 1633, at the residence of Notre Dame des Anges, a school for such Indian children as he could collect from wandering families or parties camping near Quebec,—Montagnais or Algonkin. In the summer of 1636, a few boys were brought from the Huron country by Daniel and Davost; and these, with two lads who had been presented to Le Jeune, were the nucleus of the "seminary" or boarding-school that had been so ardently desired by the missionaries, Récollet as well as Jesuit. After continuing this school nearly five years, the Jesuits abandoned it, in order to carry on the college at Quebec (which had been established through the gift of De Gamache), and an Indian settlement at Sillery.—See Creuxius' Hist. Canad., pp. 7, 8; and Rochemonteix's Jésuites, vol. i., pp. 205-209, 280-287.

10 (p. 103).—Kingsford says (Canada, vol. 1., p. 130): "One regulation which Champlain instituted remains in force to this day. He directed that, in New France, the Angelus should be rung at morning, mid-day, and evening,—a social as well as a religious necessity, in a community where there were few clocks, watches, or sun-dials.

"The Angelus is so called from the short Latin prayer made at the hour indicated by the ringing of the church bell. In summer the morning hour is six, in winter it is seven; the bell is also rung at noon, and at seven in the evening." The devotion of the Angelus was instituted by Pope John XXII., in 1316.

11 (p. 105).—Cf. with this account of Jacques Michel, that given by Champlain, in Voyages (1632), pp. 230, 252, 256-262.

12 (p. 119).—Concerning Pierre Antoine (Pastedechouan), the Montagnais interpreter, see vol. v., note 33.

13 (p. 129).—For sketch of Oliver Le Tardif, see vol. v., note 49.

14 (p. 147).—The Sorcerer: Carigonan, a noted medicine man among the Montagnais, and a brother of Pierre Antoine. A third brother, with whom Le Jeune lived while wintering with the tribe, was named Mestigoit.

15 (p. 151).—The abandonment of the Indian village at Three Rivers, here referred to, would seem to have occurred some time after the League of the Five Nations was formed (soon after 1600). See vol. v., note 52.

16 (p. 157).—See Le Jeune's account of legends regarding Messou and Atahocan, vol. v., pp. 153-157, and note 41. Cf. the "comparative study of the Nanibozhu legend" given by Chamberlain in Journal of American Folk-Lore, vol. iv. (1891), pp. 193-213; and vol. v., p. 291.

17 (p. 159).—This curious legend suggests the Greek myth of Pandora. Cf. a story related by Le Clercq, in his Relation de la Gaspesie (Paris, 1691), pp. 310-326, of a soul that was brought back by a bereaved father from the Land of Souls, and lost through the curiosity of a woman. On the ideas of immortality current among the aborigines, see Sagard's Canada, pp. 497, 498; Champlain's Voyages (1632), part i., p. 127; Tailhan's Perrot, pp. 40-43, 184, 185; Schoolcraft's Ind. Tribes, vol., iii., p. 60, and vol. v., p. 79; and Parkman's Jesuits, pp. lxxx.-lxxxiii.

18 (p. 163).—Castelogne: a woolen blanket. The name, originally a commercial term, and used especially in Normandy, seems to have been derived from Catalonia, Spain, where this article was manufactured. Clapin's Dictionnaire Canadien-Français (Montreal, 1894) states that the name "castelogne" is still used in Canada, to designate a home-made rug of odds and ends.

19 (p. 253).—The Mercure François, vol. xix. (1633), p. 841, thus speaks of the influence of liquor on the Indians, and Champlain's attitude toward the traffic, in an account of the latter's voyage to Canada (1633), written by "a reliable person who made the voyage with him:" "Our Savages—not only men, but women and girls—are such lovers of brandy that they get swinishly intoxicated, since the English made them acquainted with this beverage, which causes numberless quarrels among them. When they get tipsy, they fight, and batter each other with their fists; they break into the cabins, and tear them in pieces; and in this state they may do some foul deed, and murder us,—as some time ago they threatened a sailor, and, if he had not thrown himself into the water, I know not what they might have done to him,—and thence would arise broils and commotion throughout the country. Sieur de Champlain, considering this, and realizing the misfortunes that would arise therefrom, deems it expedient to issue a stringent prohibition of traffic, in any manner whatsoever, in brandy,—under penalty of corporal punishment, and loss of his wages, for any one caught in selling brandy and wine."

The missionaries of all the orders, notably the Jesuits, persistently opposed the sale of liquor to the Indians; but in this course they aroused powerful and unscrupulous enemies, as we shall see in later volumes.

20 (p. 257).—Obole: a small copper coin of early French currency, named from the Greek ὀβολός. Its value was one-half that of a denier tournois (which equaled one-twelfth of a sou). The obole is mentioned as early as 1329. The word is used in the present text, however, to signify, in a general way, a very small sum, in the same manner that the English often use the word "penny," or "farthing."

21 (p. 271).—For information on the elk and moose, see vol. ii., note 34; on the caribou, see vol. iii., note 17.

22 (p. 271).—The whistler, or nightingale: so named from the shrill whistle it utters on the approach of an enemy. The hoary marmot, or whistler (Arctomys pruinosus): a hibernant rodent, of the Sciuridæ or squirrel family; its flesh is esteemed a delicacy by the Indians, who also sew the skins into robes or blankets.

23 (p. 273).—Concerning these roots, see vol. v., note 29. The "rosary" is doubtless Apios tuberosa; its roots were and still are used as food by the aborigines. It has been found as far north as latitude 47°, on the Lower St. Lawrence. It is figured and described by Charlevoix, in Plantes Principales de l'Amérique Septentrionale (Paris, 1744), p. 21.

24 (p. 273).—Michtan: the sugar-maple (Acer saccharinum). This tree was found, by early explorers, growing abundantly throughout Canada and the Atlantic region. Lafitau tells how the Indians made sugar from its sap (Mœurs des Sauvages, part ii., pp. 154-157) and gives a pictorial illustration of the process. Cf. Schoolcraft's Ind. Tribes, vol. ii., pp. 55, 56; Bouchette's British Dominions in N. America (London, 1832), pp. 371, 372; and Carr's "Food of Amer. Inds," Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc., vol. x., part i., p. 170.

25 (p. 273).—The early explorers found tobacco cultivated by the natives along the entire Atlantic coast. Cartier saw it in use on the St. Lawrence; Champlain, under cultivation at San Domingo and on the coast of Maine; Strachey, on the James River (where it was called apooke). The Northern species was Nicotiana rustica, smaller and of milder quality than N. tabacum of the South. It was generally known among the Indians as petun (a word of Brazilian origin).—See Pickering's Chron. Hist. of Plants, pp. 741, 742. Champlain mentions it (Laverdière's ed., p. 50) as "tobacco, also called petung, or Queen's plant." It is figured by De Bry in Wyth's Portraits of Inhabitants of Virginia (1590), plates 1, 22,—reprinted by Langley (N. Y., 1841). For descriptions of its preparation and use, see Cartier's Brief Récit (Tross ed.), p. 31; Lescarbot's Nouv. France, pp. 838, 840; Lafitau's Mœurs des Sauvages, part ii., pp. 126-139. Lescarbot says: "The good Tobacco that comes from Brazil costs sometimes an écu the pound." Tobacco was highly prized by the American Indians, and often figured in their myths, religious rites, and sacrifices; much information concerning these is given by Jour. Amer. Folk-Lore.

The pipes used in smoking were often elaborately carved and otherwise ornamented. Creuxius has an illustration (Hist. Canad., p. 76) of an Indian smoking a long pipe; Schoolcraft gives descriptions and engravings of various sculptured pipes, in Ind. Tribes, vol. i., pp. 72, 74; vol. ii., p. 511. Cf. Bureau of Ethnology Report, 1890-91, pp. 323-354, etc.; and 1891-92, pp. 128-134. The pipe was ceremoniously smoked at councils, especially when a treaty was under consideration.

26 (p. 275).—Hippocras: an old medicinal drink composed of wine with an infusion of spices and other ingredients, used as a cordial.—Century Dictionary (N. Y., 1889).

Transcriber's Note.

Variable spelling and hyphenation have been retained. Minor punctuation inconsistencies have been silently repaired.

Corrections.

The first line indicates the original, the second the correction.

p. 105:

- bereft him of all conciousness

- bereft him of all consciousness

p. 133:

- her Father was called in Algonqauin,

- her Father was called in Algonquain,

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Table of Contents

- Transcriber's Note.

- THE JESUIT RELATIONS AND ALLIED DOCUMENTS Vol. VI

- EDITORIAL STAFF
- CONTENTS OF VOL. VI
- ILLUSTRATION TO VOL. VI
- PREFACE TO VOL. VI

- Le Jeune's Relation, 1633

- Extraict du Priuilege du Roy.

- Extract from the Royal License.

- Lettre du Le Jeune

- [122] Lettre du P. Paul le Jeune, au R. P. Provincial de France à Paris.

- [122] Letter from Father Paul le Jeune, to the Reverend Father Provincial of France, at Paris.

- NOTES:

- FOOTNOTES:

- Le Jeune's Relation, 1634

- [iii] Extraict du Priuilege du Roy.

- [iii] Extract from the Royal License.

- [1] Relation de ce qvi s'est passé en la Novvelle France svr le Grand Fleuue de S. Laurens en l'année mil six cens trente-quatre.

- [1] Relation of what occurred in New France on the Great River St. Lawrence, in the year one thousand six hundred thirty-four.

- CHAPITRE I.

- CHAPTER I.

- CHAPITRE II.

- CHAPTER II.

- CHAPITRE III.

- CHAPTER III.

- CHAPITRE IV.

- CHAPTER IV.

- CHAPITRE V.

- CHAPTER V.

- CHAPITRE VI.

- CHAPTER VI.

- CHAPITRE VII.

- CHAPTER VII.

- CHAPITRE VIII.

- CHAPTER VIII.

- CHAPITRE IX.

- CHAPTER IX.

- BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOL. VI

- XXI
- XXII
- XXIII

- NOTES TO VOL. VI

- Transcriber's Note.

- Corrections.

- THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE