The American Missionary — Volume 41, No. 9, September, 1887
Date: 2018-05-06T00:00:00+00:00
Keywords: Congregational churches -- Missions -- Periodicals; Home missions -- Periodicals

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Title: The American Missionary — Volume 41, No. 9, September, 1887

Author: Various

Release date: May 6, 2018 [eBook #57108]

Language: English

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE AMERICAN MISSIONARY — VOLUME 41, NO. 9, SEPTEMBER, 1887 ***

SEPTEMBER, 1887.

VOL. XLI.
NO. 9.

The American Missionary

CONTENTS

EDITORIAL.
Annual Meeting, | 243
Increased Size of the Present Number, | 243
Financial, | 243
Paragraphs, | 244
Things to be Remembered—No. 4, | 245
THE SOUTH.
The Glenn Bill in the Georgia Legislature, | 247
Georgia’s Need of Teachers, | 265
Le Moyne Institute, | 266
THE CHINESE.
California as a Missionary Field, | 267
Graduating Address of Yan Phou Lee at Yale College, | 269
RECEIPTS | 273

NEW YORK:

PUBLISHED BY THE AMERICAN MISSIONARY ASSOCIATION.

Rooms, 56 Reade Street.

Price, 50 Cents a Year, in Advance.

Entered at the Post-Office at New York, N.Y., as second-class matter.

American Missionary Association.

President, Hon. Wm. B. Washburn, LL.D., Mass.

Vice-Presidents.

Rev. A. J. F. Behrends, D.D., N.Y. | Rev. Alex. McKenzie, D.D., Mass.
Rev. F. A. Noble, D.D., Ill. | Rev. D. O. Mears, D.D., Mass.
Rev. Henry Hopkins, D.D., Mo.

Corresponding Secretary.

Rev. M. E. Strieby, D.D., 56 Reade Street, N.Y.

Associate Corresponding Secretaries.

Rev. James Powell, D.D., 56 Reade Street, N.Y.

Rev. A. F. Beard, D.D., 56 Reade Street, N.Y.

Treasurer.

H. W. Hubbard, Esq., 56 Reade Street, N.Y.

Auditors.

Peter McCartee. | Chas. P. Peirce.

Executive Committee.

John H. Washburn, Chairman. | A. P. Foster, Secretary.

For Three Years. | For Two Years. | For One Year.
S. B. Halliday. | J. E. Rankin. | Lyman Abbott.
Samuel Holmes. | Wm. H. Ward. | A. S. Barnes.
Samuel S. Marples. | J. W. Cooper. | J. R. Danforth.
Charles L. Mead. | John H. Washburn. | Clinton B. Fisk.
Elbert B. Monroe. | Edmund L. Champlin. | A. P. Foster.

District Secretaries.

Rev. C. L. Woodworth, D.D., 21 Cong’l House, Boston.

Rev. J. E. Roy, D.D., 151 Washington Street, Chicago.

Financial Secretary for Indian Missions. | Field Superintendent.
Rev. Charles W. Shelton. | Rev. C. J. Ryder, 56 Reade Street, N.Y.

Bureau of Woman’s Work.

Secretary, Miss D. E. Emerson, 56 Reade Street, N.Y.

COMMUNICATIONS

Relating to the work of the Association may be addressed to the Corresponding Secretaries; those relating to the collecting fields, to Rev. James Powell, D.D., or to the District Secretaries; letters for “The American Missionary,” to the Editor, at the New York Office.

DONATIONS AND SUBSCRIPTIONS

In drafts, checks, registered letters or post office orders may be sent to H. W. Hubbard, Treasurer, 56 Reade Street, New York, or, when more convenient, to either of the Branch Offices, 21 Congregational House, Boston, Mass., or 151 Washington Street, Chicago, Ill. A payment of thirty dollars at one time constitutes a Life Member.

FORM OF A BEQUEST.

“I bequeath to my executor (or executors) the sum of —— dollars, in trust, to pay the same in —— days after my decease to the person who, when the same is payable, shall act as Treasurer of the ‘American Missionary Association,’ of New York City, to be applied, under the direction of the Executive Committee of the Association, to its charitable uses and purposes.” The Will should be attested by three witnesses.

THE

American Missionary.

VOL. XLI.

SEPTEMBER, 1887.

No. 9.

American Missionary Association.

For notice of Annual Meeting see last page of cover.

The present number of the Missionary is eight pages larger than usual. We devote it chiefly to a broadside on Georgia’s Teachers’ Chain-Gang Bill. The importance of the subject warrants it. Valuable matter is crowded out in consequence.

We have again reached the last month of our fiscal year. What our friends do this month will determine whether the year closes with a debt. The receipts for July, which we publish in this number, are not pleasant to look at. As compared with the July receipts last year, they are nearly seventeen thousand dollars less, and the total receipts for the year from churches and individuals, as compared with the total receipts at the same time the preceding year, are nearly twenty thousand dollars less. Dr. Dana’s Fourth of July appeal, and Miss Auld’s appeal to the ladies last year, will in part account for the falling off. The excessively warm weather during July, greatly reducing the congregations, has doubtless had an influence. But whatever the cause, our receipts are behind to an extent that threatens injury to our work, and this month is the last we have in which to ward off the double evil—debt and curtailment of work. What we do must be done quickly.

We invite our friends to serious thoughtfulness preceding action. They know better what to do than we can advise. We earnestly plead for the co-operating help of every one of them.

(1) We solicit a personal contribution from all who are able to give, and the influence of word and pen from all who can induce others to make a contribution. Please bring our needs to the attention of the prayer-meeting, the missionary concert and the Sabbath congregation.

(2) We request all churches that have made us no contribution during the year, (and there are some who have made us no contribution for several years), to be sure and give us a contribution this month. You see the work of the American Missionary Association is to be benefited or injured all through next year by what the churches do this month.

Friends, what answer will you make to this statement of facts we lay before you? You know that enemies of our work in the South are proposing the chain-gang for our teachers. They are not satisfied with ostracizing them from society, they propose to punish them as criminals because they preach the gospel to the poor and befriend the oppressed. Will you allow the work to suffer in the day when it is assailed? Must we retrench, cut down, withdraw, at such a time as this? We cannot believe that our friends will sanction it. Let there be this month such a rally to the defense and maintenance of our God-appointed mission as was never known in all our history. Let everybody have a chance to give, and let everybody give, be it much or little.

A poor colored woman, living near one of our chartered institutions, and taking a deep interest in the education of its students, has recently given her little home, paid for by savings from small wages, to this institution for the benefit of its students. This is larger than some of the first ministerial gifts to Harvard University, and is a good omen and prophecy.

The name of California is so much associated with the idea of gold that it is easy to imagine that it is a wealthy State. And it is wealthy. How easy to think the next thought; being wealthy it ought to do more for mission work within its borders. That, however, does not prove that it will or that it can be reasonably expected to do more. If only the wealth was in the hands of Christian people—ah, yes, if only. Please find Rev. Mr. Pond’s article on another page and read it. His facts are unquestioned and his meditations will bear meditation.

Mr. Yan Phou Lee, the young Chinese gentleman who was graduated by Yale College in its last class, delivered an address on the occasion of his graduation that elicited the hearty applause of those who heard it, and the widespread favorable comment of the press, secular and religious. Our readers will find this address on another page. Mr. Lee shows himself thoroughly competent to discuss the Chinese question. His words should have a wide reading. Mr. Lee expects to attend our Annual Meeting, at Portland, and we shall hope to hear from him again.

The Christian Mirror, Portland, Me., Rev. I. P. Warren, D.D., editor, had in one of its issues not long since a rousing editorial on the approaching meeting of the A. M. A. in Portland. It predicts a meeting “of much interest both because of the work itself and the eminence of many of the persons whom it will bring hither,” and closes with the earnest advice, “Let all the friends of humanity lay their plans to attend.”

The Savannah News, speaking of the Glenn Bill, has the following to say:

“Perhaps it may teach a lesson to the over-zealous individuals in the North who use their money in efforts to bring about social equality in the South through the schools.”

We regret to have such sentiments promulgated. They are utterly misrepresentative. The bugbear of “social equality” so distorts the vision of our Southern friends that they seem incapable of seeing things as they are. “Over-zealous individuals in the North” have helped Georgia through their missionary schools in a way that has given inspiration and progress to education, religion, morality and industry all over the State, especially among colored people. They deserve thanks, not misrepresentative sneers.

THINGS TO BE REMEMBERED—NO 4.

The Duty: To preach the Gospel to every creature, in the shortest possible time, is the duty laid upon the church by the last command of her King. The part of the work assigned to us is to be determined by our surroundings, and especially by our opportunities to reach the unsaved races of men. We are bound to put in our labor where it will go farthest and move greatest masses of men towards God. If we find that the “dark lands” can best be reached through their children on these shores, then must we seek and save the children for the sake of their kindred.

Take now the map of the world and turn to Asia; the merest glance shows that our nearest point to that greatest of the World’s divisions is the California coast. On that coast the old civilization and the new stand face to face. There, too, meet the old Paganism and the newer Christianity, and there, emphatically, will be the battle-ground between the past and the present, the false and the true. As Christian men we mean to regenerate the Asiatic continent, and in particular the Mongolian race. If our Bibles left us in doubt our geographies would show that the Pacific coast was the spot on which to initiate a Christian movement for the capture of China. And anyone can see that Paganism and Christianity are now in contact on that coast, and one or the other will soon be master. If only for the honor of our faith, we must accept the contest and abide the issue. The capture of the thousands of her children in this land means the capture of the Empire of China. The stake is too immense to be treated with indifference. The prize to be won involves mighty races and is offered to us alone. To secure it is to cover ourselves with glory; to decline it is to cover ourselves with guilt and shame.

If with united heart and hand we bent ourselves to the task, how easily we might absorb the Chinese into the life of the nation and into the faith of the churches. And then, when they all went back—as they all intend to do—they would bear with them the new thoughts and the new life to become the regenerating leaven for their continent. If we give them the Gospel, accompanied by the renewing energy of the Holy Ghost, they will return in the power of the Highest to save their people.

And, now, look to Africa—barbarous, wretched, and apparently hopeless. But, lo, within our own borders are seven millions of her sons and daughters, born into our civilization, already feeling the quickening forces of our learning and our faith. Who touches the African race as we do, or who can so influence the African mind and heart? Here are the African souls that are best fitted to regenerate the African race. These young Christian scholars are a hundred years in advance of anything we can find in Africa. And are they not the men to be organized into a mission to save their fatherland? We are related to Africa as no other nation on the globe is; touch more of its people and control more of the African heart and mind. This is our special opportunity and puts us under obligation to move upon the African race with all the forces of light and truth at our command.

The whole matter is in a nutshell and may be summed up thus: We have the power to preach the Gospel to every Chinaman, every Indian, and every Negro in the land, and having the power, we are in duty bound to use it.

Did we do this, our simplest duty, these people in turn would have the power to preach the Gospel to all the millions of their own countrymen. Nothing can be plainer. Then why do we hesitate to muster the forces and put these races in training for Christ and the salvation of their own lands? The opportunity to do this work brings with it the obligation to do it. But when it is added to this that we alone can do it in the way suggested, and in the only way that seems to make its near and easy achievement possible, there is no excuse for a moment’s delay. If we have men and money enough to go after these races in foreign lands, we certainly cannot lack means to provide for them here. To us alone is given this privilege of preaching this Gospel to the world at our own doors. And while the best statesmanship of the country is tasked to show how we may deal with these races for our highest good, the church of God is set to the task of showing how we may deal with them so as to secure the speediest regeneration of the yet unsaved continents.

The American Missionary Association believes that this result will be soonest realized by at once bringing these children of theirs under the full light and power of the Gospel. And it believes that the interest of this land and of those lands will be best promoted by throwing among those populations a Christian force so large that not one shall fail to hear of Christ. To reach one in twenty or thirty is to trifle with the whole problem. Nothing short of reaching every soul, or making it possible for every soul to be reached with the power of the Gospel, will be adequate.

The way is all open; we can see clear through to the end. The question is pressed upon us and we must answer distinctly whether we will accept this opportunity to save China and Africa, or whether we will decline the offer and withhold the bread of life.

C. L. WOODWORTH.

THE GLENN BILL IN THE GEORGIA LEGISLATURE.

This infamous bill was passed by the lower house of the Georgia Legislature by a vote of 128 (all white) to 2 (colored), the only colored men in the house. The only speech made in favor of the bill was by Glenn, its author. The two colored men were the only ones to speak against it.

TEXT OF THE BILL.

A bill to be entitled, An Act to regulate the manner of conducting educational institutions in this State and to protect the rights of colored and white people and to provide penalties for the violation of the provisions of this act and for other purposes.

Sec. 1.—Be it enacted that from and after the passage of this act no school, college or educational institution in this State conducted for the education and training of colored people shall matriculate or receive as a pupil any white person, nor shall any school, college or educational institution conducted for the training of white receive or matriculate any colored person as pupil, nor shall any school, college or educational institution receive or matriculate both white and colored persons.

Sec. 2.—Be it further enacted that any teacher or manager or controller of either of such institutions violating the provisions of this act shall be punished as prescribed in section 4,310 of the Code. If such institution be a chartered one, then not only the teachers thereof but the president, secretary and members of the board of trustees, or other persons filling corresponding offices, who shall knowingly permit the same to be violated, shall be subject to indictment and punishment as aforesaid.

Sec. 3.—Be it enacted that all laws and parts of laws in conflict with, this act be, and the same are, hereby repealed.

Section 4,310 of the Code is as follows:—

Accessories after the fact, except where it is otherwise ordered in this Code, shall be punished by a fine not to exceed $1,000, imprisonment not to exceed six months, to work in a chain-gang on the public works not to exceed twelve months, and any one or more of these punishments may be ordered in the discretion of the judge.

WHY THE BILL WAS INTRODUCED.

A correspondent of the New York Tribune, states the case as follows:

“The bill is aimed against Atlanta University. But the University is not the cause of it. It is merely the occasion. The cause is the wicked anti-Christian caste-spirit among the white people of the State. To understand the situation a few facts need to be stated:

“In 1867 the American Missionary Association secured a charter for the Atlanta University, and founded that institution for the education of colored youth. But the well-known principles of the Association, admitting no distinctions on the ground of color, forbade the closing of its doors to any worthy student who might apply for admission. The money to start that school, buy the grounds, erect the buildings, furnish them, and make improvements, was all contributed by benevolent people at the North. Into the grounds and buildings as they stand to-day there have been put something over $150,000—every cent of it contributed by friends in the North. In addition to this, Northern contributors have given toward the running expenses of the institution on an average since 1867 about $10,000 a year. That is to say, Christian people at the North have given the State of Georgia to help educate her children in this one institution something over $350,000! But the money is by far the smallest part of the contribution. The culture, piety, noble character and consecration of the teachers, graduates of Northern colleges and normal schools, have made the Atlanta University a model school to imitate and a constant inspiration to the development of the educational interest of the State. There have been, however, for several years past, a few white pupils in the school. These were the children of the professors and in one instance a child of a missionary of the American Missionary Association. The reasons for the presence of these white pupils were three: (1) The principles on which the institution was founded; (2) The fact that there was no school in Atlanta where the children could receive as thorough training and discipline, and (3) The sentiment of the people against “nigger teachers” was such that to send the children to the white schools would have been to subject them to ostracism and insult. If it were not for the first two reasons, the last would not count for much. Ostracism and insult are the condemnation of those who inflict; the honor of those who suffer.

“But the answer is not yet complete. In the distribution of a national grant of public lands for education in the several States made by Congress in 1862, under the lead of Senator Morrill, of Vermont, Georgia received 270,000 scrip, the interest on which amounts to something over $16,000 a year. And what did the State of Georgia do with it? Appropriated it to its white State University at Athens. With nearly one-half of its population colored, it took the Nation’s gift for the benefit of the whole State and put it where the colored people could have no share in it whatever. Somebody discovered that this was clearly a misappropriation of funds, and that if the United States Congress should learn of it there would probably be ‘music in the air’ of a kind Georgia would not like to hear, and so the State Legislature ‘generously’ voted that it would appropriate $8,000 a year for the education of colored youth in the State! And this money, the gift of the United States to Georgia, was always spoken of as a State appropriation and quoted as an evidence of the wonderful interest the State takes in negro education. But what would $8,000 a year accomplish for the training of teachers to supply the wants of the 725,000 colored people in Georgia? How far would it go in the purchase of grounds, erection and equipment of buildings and the salaries of teachers? It is simply laughable to ask the question. But here was an institution at hand, grounds, buildings, equipments, teachers, everything in operation. Having been placed by the American Missionary Association in the hands of its own Board of Trustees and being undenominational and unsectarian in all respects, why not appropriate the money to this school? The State Legislature appointed a committee to look into the matter. The committee visited the school, were profoundly impressed with its excellence, and unanimously reported in favor of having the appropriation go to the school. Every year since then the appropriation of that $8,000 has gone to the University. Every year since then the reports of the State Examiners have been highly eulogistic. They have admitted, often with astonishment, the splendid educational work done there. The admission was forced that this was, on the whole, the best school in the State. The contrast between the discipline and training in it, and that found in the white State University, was too great not to be noticed.

“But this year the Examiners discovered that there were a few white children, the children of the professors, and the child of the missionary already referred to, in the school, and they have become righteously indignant over their presence. The money, say they, was given exclusively for the education of colored pupils, and behold, some white pupils are receiving benefit from it! Besides it is co-education of the races, and that the State of Georgia will not tolerate! It will introduce ‘Social Equality’ and ‘Miscegenation,’ and ‘Miscegenation of Ideas!’ And these are the reasons why this bill has been brought forward. Strange that they were not discovered before, for they have all been in existence ever since the appropriation was first made, and they were known to be existing by every State committee that has visited the school.”

The Reasons are only Pretenses.

A correspondent in the Advance handles these reasons as follows:

“1. As to ‘misappropriation.’ The last Legislative committee noticed, with feigned horror, that there were among the students in the Atlanta University three or four of the children of the professors, who recited in Geometry, Greek, Latin, etc., in the same classes with colored pupils. But while the Atlanta University receives $8,000 a year from the State, it receives $19,000 a year from Northern sources. When a mal-administrator wishes to save his mal-administration from coming under legal courts, it is an interesting spectacle to see him pose, on the point of honor, crying out, ‘Misappropriation!’ to the men who not only administer every dollar to the purpose for which it was given, but add to every dollar two dollars more, kindly given them by benevolent friends for that purpose! Misappropriation, indeed!

“2. ‘Social Equality.’ There is no such thing, as the Southerners define it, outside their own imaginations. It is the biggest bugbear that ever frightened respectable minds. If it be a fact that God has made of one blood all mankind, and that Jesus Christ is our common Elder Brother, and we all are, or may be, the children of God, then this caste-mania, which dominates the Southern mind so like an unclean spirit, is something as idiotic as it is unchristian.

“3. ‘Miscegenation.’ It is time, we admit, that Georgia wake up to this evil. She ought to have wakened to it more than a hundred years ago. Atlanta University is not the offender. Had the principles of that school always been regnant in Georgia, there never would have been the evil. Georgians themselves are the sinners. Their witnesses walk before them and are seen every day. A hundred thousand light-colored negroes in Georgia proclaim a hundred thousand white transgressions. It is high time Georgia awoke on the subject of miscegenation. A colored transgressor is quickly strung up to a tree. Why not hang the white transgressor? A few hundred ‘white’ hangings would wonderfully clear up the moral atmosphere down there and get things in good shape for a thorough-going, anti-miscegenation law. Now that Georgia forces herself under the gaze of the civilized world through this action of her Legislature, the decent opinion of mankind calls on them to put a stop to this wickedness within her borders. Make every colored woman who gives birth to a light-colored child disclose the father, and then hang him. Enforce this law as faithfully against the offender of one color as the offender of the other. It is always well to shoot in the direction of the game.

“4. ‘Miscegenation of Ideas.’ The sagacious patriots of the Georgia Legislature speak of ‘miscegenation of ideas’ as something particularly horrible; something almost as bad as the other kind. What they mean by this they do not explain; should they attempt to explain it, all the world outside the white South would laugh them to scorn. They will themselves live to grow ashamed of it. It is too stupid to awaken any mirth, too ridiculous for sober answer, too essentially mean in the spirit and motive of it for anything but contempt and pity. That such a measure as this chain-gang law for Christian teachers could be received with such favor in a State like Georgia, is one of the most dismal signs of the time, or rather signs of the place, that has come to light during the past ten years. But it will fail; yet the curse and stigma of it will long remain to plague those in that State who have any moral sensibility left.

“At the bottom of this miserable and cruel caste-prejudice is jealousy—jealousy of the rising colored man.”

THE CHAIN-GANG.

It is a singular coincidence that this very Legislature, whose lower house has passed this bill to punish Christian teachers for allowing their own children to recite with colored children in the class-room by putting them into the chain-gang, is by a committee investigating the State penitentiary system, pronounced by competent prison reformers to be “perhaps the vilest on earth.” There are some good people in Georgia who want to see the barbarous system exposed and abolished. On the other hand, the supporters of the system are numerous and influential. The Georgia papers do not have much to say about this subject, and probably for the same reason that Russia don’t want the civilized world to know about what is going on in Siberia. The people are afraid to have their deeds of darkness brought to the light, but they are not all silent.

An Atlanta correspondent of the New York World, writing under date of July 22d, describes the system as follows:

“The convicts of Georgia, numbering about sixteen hundred, the negroes largely predominating over the whites, are confined in no regular penitentiary. They are worked under State direction and control, but are divided into three companies, known as “Penitentiary Company No. 1,” etc. These companies take all the convicts under a twenty years’ lease, the good, bad and indifferent. The Lease Act originally prescribed certain work that these convicts should do, the intention being to so regulate their employment as to prevent them from being brought into competition with free labor. Now, however, there is no class of work that the convicts are not called upon to do. They work on railroads and in coal mines; they cut pine timber for the saw mills; they are employed about the mills in those places where skilled workmen are generally employed; they make brick; they operate iron furnaces; they constitute the labor in various manufactories; they work upon plantations, and in every possible way they compete in every industry with free labor.

“The lessees of the convicts change from time to time, men selling their interest in the lease just as they would dispose of their property in anything else. The lessees to-day are not wholly and entirely the same lessees as operated the system at the beginning. Senator Joseph E. Brown is one of the few original lessees who still holds his interests. The changes have been many and various, and so are the stories of outrages. Several years ago children began to make their appearance in the penitentiary, not because of any due process of law, but because of shocking immoralities on the part of lessees and their subordinates. In one camp where the principal lessee was a man named Alexander, since dead, these scandals mostly originated. It was a difficult thing to substantiate the charges, and the Legislature never made any investigation. There were no white women in the penitentiary in Georgia at the time, and perhaps the affair alluded to was not so shocking to public opinion as it would otherwise have been.

“To-day there is only one white woman in the penitentiary in this State. She is confined at the camp of the Chattahoochee Brick Company, Penitentiary Company No. 3, about six miles from this city. This poor woman, weak in intellect, untutored and unfamiliar with the wickedness of the camps, has to be locked up and kept in close confinement day and night, to prevent her being ruined. Since the Legislature has shown a disposition to look into these matters, the lessees of the camp at the brickyard have given the strictest orders about this woman. Her door is constantly locked and the key kept by the good wife of the principal boss, who allows no man to cross her threshold, ‘Great heavens!’ ejaculated a member of the House, when this circumstance was told him, ‘what sort of a system must this be when such measures have to be devised?’”

“The lessees at various camps have been from time to time charged with cruelty to their prisoners. A common charge has been working them on Sunday; so it is common to hear of whipping them to death for refusing to work on Sunday, or when they have been worn out with fatigue. The charge of favoritism is so well established and so generally admitted that it has ceased to be urged.

“The ‘Old Town Camp’ has a very bad reputation. Here most of the serious charges have been laid, and here it was proved that whipping-bosses positively whipped men to death.

“Another camp prolific of charges is that of State Senator Smith in Oglethorpe County. He has been accused of working convicts on Sunday, of shooting them down in cold blood, and an affair of honor is now pending between Smith and Principal Physician Westmoreland, of the penitentiary. Westmoreland accuses Smith of gross inhumanity to the poor creatures under his charge, and dares him, or rather invites him, to meet him on the field of honor for the various false accusations and scandal that Smith has made against him.”

Another Account.

Here is a part of the account which a reporter of the Augusta Chronicle gives of a convict camp, in Richmond County, which he has recently visited on a tour of investigation for his paper.

“Leaving the hospital the reporter went into a barn 80 by 20, divided into two compartments, and they divided by a 10 foot alley. The barn would not be given as a resting-place to a beast that is prized by its owner, as the rain or sun could easily gain admission through the top, and the openings in the sides so affected the house that it gave no protection from the weather. On looking into this place it was horrible to realize that a commonwealth like the State of Georgia would allow the offenders against her laws to be kept in so dirty and filthy a place as that in which the eighty convicts at the camp of the A. and K. Railroad are placed. Along the narrow aisles in the barn smouldering fires were burning, and on the beds sat the prisoners. All of the convicts were seen. They begged that their names would not be used, for they would be lashed if it were known that they told of the treatment. They state that Captain Starns uses the lash freely. Several testify that, overcome with the heat, they stopped to rest and were taken out and whipped. Attention was called to the cruel whipping of Chuck Cooper, a mulatto about twenty-five years old, who was quartered in the hospital. The reporter, without being noticed, repaired to the hospital, and, being assured that the guards were not near at hand, Chuck Cooper disrobed himself and showed huge scars left from the lash, the skin being badly lacerated. Returning to the barn the reporter inquired of Mr. Smith the cause of the filthy beds on which the convicts slept. They were caked in dirt and as black and as filthy as could be imagined. Mr. Smith, the guard, admitted that the blankets and bedding had not been washed for several months, although Mr. Shubrick had notified Captain Starns, and he had promised two months ago to have new straw put in the beds and have them washed. ‘It is seven months,’ Smith said, ‘since we left the brick-yard, and the bedding has not been touched since.’”

And this is the kind of place to which the Georgia Legislature is ready to send the trustees and teachers of Atlanta University!

WHAT THE PRESS HAS TO SAY.

The press North and South has been roused by the introduction of this bill as we have never known it to be before by the action of any State Legislature. In the North it is practically unanimous in condemnation, and for the most part in denunciation. Republican, Democratic and Independent papers are, in this instance, found united. They differ somewhat about the constitutional right of a State to pass such a bill, but they all unite in pronouncing the punishment attached to the Glenn Bill as “disgraceful,” “outrageous,” “infamous,” “wicked.” In the South the colored papers are all against the bill; the white papers, outside of Georgia, somewhat divided, but in the main, so far as we can learn, for the bill. In Georgia the white papers are for it. Were the editorials on this subject by the press of the United States compiled and published they would fill several large volumes. We quote from as many as our space allows:

THE NEW YORK TRIBUNE.

When Mr. Grady made his glowing speech last winter to the Sons of New England at Delmonico’s assembled, he probably did not imagine that such a delightful illustration of the paternal solicitude which the whites feel for the blacks in the Empire State of the South was in store for us. What a pity he was not aware of the boon in preparation! What sweet flowers of rhetoric he would have twined around it! It would have made his nomination for the Vice-Presidency certain.

It is possible that when the facts are known public sentiment will make it appear advisable to drop this cheerful measure, but we are assured upon excellent authority that at the present moment the Georgia Legislature is disposed to pass it; and, moreover, that Governor Gordon’s approval of a recent report connected with the subject indicates a willingness on his part to sign it. Many interesting points are involved in the introduction of this measure, including its constitutionality, and it is safe to say that they will all be discussed with considerable animation before it takes its place on the statute-book.

THE NEW YORK TIMES.

It is very hard to understand the animus of the recent attempts to cripple or destroy this noble school (Atlanta University) by Gov. Gordon and his followers. They have threatened to take away the $8,000 a year of United States money, and a bill is before the Legislature and has been reported favorably from committee to punish with a year of the infamous chain-gang of Georgia and with a fine of $1,000 the crime of some of the white teachers in allowing their own children to enter the classes they instruct. This has been a characteristic feature of the school, and one that has contributed materially to its phenomenal success in putting and keeping the negroes on their best behavior. If some of the most intelligent and refined white people are willing to face the bitter ostracism of the South and work for their benefit to the utmost limit of their strength—and sometimes, as in the case of the late lamented President Ware, far beyond it—and besides all this put their own children into the same classes with them, the negroes must indeed be vile and thankless if it did not stimulate all that is good and repress all that is bad in them.

It is certain that the sort of people sent out by the American Missionary Association will not be deterred by ruffianism of this sort from doing what they believe Christian duty requires. What object Gov. Gordon and his abettors—and it looks very much as if the silver-tongued Grady is among them—can have in stirring up sectional bitterness in this way it is hard to see. But the fact that such an outrage should be even proposed is evidence that the awful lesson of the war as to the impolicy of treating men and women as if they were mere animals has not yet been learned by some who boast that they belong to the new South. That it can be helpful to industrial development and render a residence in Georgia inviting to the most desirable Northern people no one who knows the facts can believe.

THE NEW YORK HERALD.

The Glenn Bill, which passed the Georgia House of Representatives, has caused a great deal of hot-tempered discussion. The constitution of the State is opposed to the co-education of black and white children. All right. The people of Georgia are on the ground and ought to know what is for their best interest. If they see fit to afford educational facilities to colored children in one school and the same facilities for white children in another school, well and good. And if they decree that white teachers shall teach white children and colored teachers shall teach colored children, nobody will shrug his shoulders. The object, which is to offer a good common-school education to every child in the State, will be attained.

To enact a law, however, that the white teacher who admits to his class a colored boy or girl shall be punished in the chain-gang for a period of twelve months, as related elsewhere, is decidedly drastic. That seems to be a pretty heavy penalty for a rather light offence. With a strong public opinion opposed to co-education, such a desperate resort would seem to be hardly necessary.

Colonel Glenn probably had some motive in the introduction of the bill which is not visible to the naked eye. At any rate, he committed a grave blunder, which in this case is almost equal to a crime. The bill has gone to the Senate and will be smothered there.

THE NEW YORK EVENING POST.

There is something very peculiar about the presentation of a bill in the Georgia Legislature, making it a misdemeanor, punishable with a fine of $1,000 and the chain-gang for one year, for any teacher or trustee of any public or private school in the State to allow any white pupils to attend a colored school, or any colored pupils to attend a white school.

Georgia, like every other Southern State, and like many Northern States until recent years, has always maintained separate schools for the two races. The Constitution provides for “a thorough system of common schools,” which “shall be free to all citizens of the State, but separate schools shall be provided for the white and colored races.” The wisdom of this policy, in the present condition of public sentiment on the race question throughout the South, is not doubted by any intelligent man at the North. Public education could never have been established if the attempt had been made by force to bring the two races into the same school-room, and it would be overthrown in a moment if mixed schools were to be ordered now. The legality and the advisability of separate school systems are, therefore, not to be questioned. But it is one thing to provide that the races shall not mix in schools supported by public taxation, and quite another thing to declare that no school, however supported, shall teach whites and blacks together without subjecting everybody responsible for this policy to the risk of a year in the chain-gang. This is an outrage of the very worst sort, for which no defense that is even plausible has been made or can be made. It is simply an outburst of race prejudice in its most offensive form.

The odd feature of the incident is that it occurs in Georgia, which is in many respects one of the most progressive States of the South, while Kentucky, which is in many respects one of the most backward, has already conquered this silly prejudice. When Berea College in Kentucky opened its doors to whites and blacks alike, there was bitter local opposition, which went beyond hard words, and it was as much as a man’s life was worth, politically speaking, for him to show the slightest favor to the institution. But as the years passed and none of the threatened evils came to pass, Kentuckians gradually concluded that they had been worrying themselves unnecessarily, and at last a progressive Democrat was ready to take a part in its anniversary exercises, as Judge Beckner did two years ago. “Already in Kentucky,” says Prof. Wright of the College, in his article on “Southern Illiteracy” in the last Bibliotheca Sacra, “the former detestation of Berea has so far yielded that Democratic aspirants for the Governorship speak on its commencement platform.” No member of the Kentucky Legislature in the year 1887 would venture to suggest the chain-gang for teachers in a school which admitted pupils of both races, and it is most anomalous to find the proposition seriously urged in Georgia.

THE NEW YORK WORLD.

Dr. Atticus G. Haygood, the well-known Southern Methodist preacher, who is now the manager of the Slater Fund, declares himself opposed to the Educational bill of William C. Glenn. He says the bill is unwise because it is unnecessary. People vote for such bills not because they favor them, but because they fear being charged with a leaning towards social equality. He thanks God that he knows the white teachers whose children attend the negro college, and he honors them fully as much as he does his own sister, who is now engaged in missionary work in China. There are only fourteen white children in colored schools, and Georgia has no reason to be scared. He winds up by saying: “There is a law in Georgia against intermarriage, a law more violated, ten to one, if not in the letter in the reality and spirit of it, than the law against mixed schools. If now the Legislature will give us a law placing the parents of mulatto children in the chain-gang it would be worth while.”

HARPER’S WEEKLY.

Such leaders as this school provides for their race cannot be trained elsewhere in the State. The maintenance of the University in full vigor is therefore for every reason, for the common interest of the 817,000 white and of the 726,000 colored citizens, one of the most vitally desirable objects in the State. The proposition to send the teachers and managers to the chain-gang unless they expel their own children from their schools is preposterous. The good sense of the State should prevent the further prosecution of the scheme. Every sensible citizen of Georgia would admit that nothing could be more unwise than to stimulate hostility of race in the same population by means of penal laws. Each race in Georgia undoubtedly prefers separate schools for the present, but to punish and disgrace the few persons who are indifferent to the separation, and by that course to retard the indispensable education of half the population, would be an unspeakable folly.

THE JERSEY CITY EVENING JOURNAL.

In Georgia there is still existing, as we read, a dread that white people may be forced into miscegenation with negroes in spite of themselves. The Georgian ought to know himself, and it is droll to hear him pleading that some one will save him from “marrying a nigger,” in spite of himself. The principal objection to public or private schools, in which the two races should be together, is that this would lead to intermarriages of the races. Under pressure of this argument, the Georgia House of Assembly has passed the bill making the teaching of colored persons by white persons a penal offence. A State law already forbids mixed public schools. The new law is intended to prohibit white persons from teaching colored persons in Sunday-schools and private educational institutions. The condition of the Georgia white, liable at any moment to run off and marry a negro, is indeed lamentable. And, joking aside, does not such a state of things show how completely uncured, how woefully unreconstructed are the average ex-rebel, ex-slaveholding people of Georgia? Such a state of things as this proves, that wise were those men who years ago urged that only territorial government should be given to the States just conquered from rebellion, and that they should so remain governed until time sufficient should have elapsed to eradicate all traces of the old semi-barbaric habits of their people. A community which adopts such a law as that mentioned is decidedly unfit to bear a State’s part in the general Government of the Republic.

THE SPRINGFIELD REPUBLICAN.

The Glenn Bill in the Georgia Legislature, to impose a penalty commensurate with a felony upon the teaching of persons of the two races in any public or private school in the State, is an outburst of barbaric sentiment which will do a vast deal of harm. We may as well say at the outset that we do not favor co-education of the races at the South, so long as the people there do not want it. In Massachusetts, white and black children attend the same school, and are treated just the same. If half or more of our population were colored, we do not doubt it would be a different question, but we do not see that the mingling of youth at school produces any social mixing, or mixture of races. At the South, where there is a large body of each race, separate schools and institutions are well enough, but separate streets, railroad cars, ferry-boats and other public utilities would be a ridiculous and uncalled-for extension of the effort to separate the races.

While a State may plainly indicate its policy by providing separate schools for the two races, and assigning the colored youth to one and the white to the other, to make it a felony for any person to teach youth of different races together, is essentially barbarous, more barbarous than Turkey.

The great Southern excuse for such doings is that the social intercourse of the races is against nature. Very well; if it is against nature, let nature take care of the problem. But the bald and naked fact is that while the South is dreadfully sensitive about the appearance of the two races in the same parlor, or school-room, or opera house, or in the same Episcopal Convention, it is profoundly indifferent to their association together immorally.

Now if the State of Georgia proposes to condemn the Northern men who have gone there to teach, to the chain-gang, for instructing their own children in the classes, it will be guilty of a ridiculous display of race feeling and petty insularity, of a fine exhibition of ingratitude, and of a political blunder of some magnitude. We trust Gov. Gordon, who has been about the world a little, may be able to view this matter in a broader light than the backwoods members of the Legislature.

THE BOSTON EVENING TRAVELLER.

It is possible that the aroused public sentiment of the nation may force the Legislature to drop this shameful, barbarous measure, but nothing short of this will. This is the Empire State of the South—the New South which Editor Grady so eloquently described last Forefathers’ Day in New York, about which so much gush and sentiment have been spoken and written. The question cannot help suggesting itself, whether a little less of boastful sentiment and a little more of civilized humanity would not become the much-talked-of New South.

THE PHILADELPHIA PRESS.

Whether the prejudice against mixed schools is justified or not, the attempt to enforce such penalties as those prescribed in the Glenn Bill, and which are aimed especially against the Atlanta University, would arouse a whirlwind of wrath that even the Southern whites in their stolid indifference to public opinion could not withstand. No white children, except those belonging to the professors in the University, have been taught with the colored pupils. One of the professors writes to the Springfield Republican as follows: “I have taught twelve years in the Atlanta University. The Glenn Bill will cut off my four children and those of the other white teachers from their best educational opportunity in Georgia—in fact, as matters now stand, practically from their only opportunity.” As the funds for founding this institution were given by Northern whites, and as most of the money for sustaining it is derived from the same source, it would seem wise to permit the Northern white teachers some discretion in conducting the enterprise.

According to the census of 1880, Georgia had 446,683 persons over ten years of age who could not read, and 128,934 whites over ten who could not write. With such a discouraging mass of ignorance, it would be supposed that the State would gladly welcome any educational assistance. And yet, judging from this Glenn Bill and the burning of the school at Quitman, the people appear to be more anxious to increase than to lessen the amount of ignorance in the State.

THE CHICAGO INTER-OCEAN.

So vicious a bill deserved a stupid and degrading defense, and it got it. Mr. Glenn says that the bill is passed to prevent the “evident desire of the negroes for marriage with the whites.” Great heavens! And has it come to this? Is this all that your “Southern refinement,” your “years of chivalrous tradition,” and all the rest of the antiquated rot which you dignify by the style and title of “Southern sentiment” has been able to accomplish? Has race pride so thoroughly died out among the young men and women of the South as to force the elders to guard them, by threats of prisons and chain-gangs, from that certain intermarriage of white and black which would follow co-education? Debased, indeed, would be the condition of the South if this were true.

But it is not true. In Chicago and in every other large city of the North, white and colored children attend the same schools, but white and colored do not marry each other. Nor would they in the South, though the race feeling has been lowered as it never was in the North, by frequent and undisguised concubinage of the colored woman to the white man. Savannah shows more children of white paternity from “mothers who were never wed” than Chicago. If half the zeal were shown for the suppression of illegitimate unions between the races of the South as for that of the very few possible legitimate ones, both morality and health would improve. But it is a waste of words to argue upon Mr. Glenn’s proposition. He does not fear a general system of intermarriage. It has happened nowhere. It never will happen anywhere. If it did, it would be preferable to a general practice of illegitimate commerce. * * *

The reports of the educational work and discipline of the Atlanta University, by the State examiners, have invariably been accompanied with the very highest commendation. The comparison between the discipline of the Atlanta University and that of the Athens University has been greatly to the disparagement of the latter in almost every respect. This has exasperated the authorities of the Athens University, and set the newspapers of the State abusing the Commissioners for making such invidious comparisons with the negro school. Whereupon the committee were set to hedge, in order to reinstate themselves in favor. It is at last discovered, what has been open to everyone for a dozen years, that there were in the Atlanta University perhaps half a dozen white children, children of the professors, reciting in the classes along with the 350 colored scholars. This fact was reported to Governor Gordon forthwith. Governor Gordon makes haste to send a special message to the Legislature. The young aspirant for notoriety, Mr. Glenn, jumps at the chance for getting glory from introducing his bill. The rapidity with which he got it through and the unanimous white vote in the House, shows the state of public sentiment. Next week the attempt will be made to rush it through the Senate. And all this, not because of the presence of the professors’ children, but in retaliation for the impudence on the part of the professors and students of Atlanta University in allowing colored youths to behave and do so much better than pupils of the other race in Athens University. These are the facts, facts which nobody in Georgia will deny.

THE CHICAGO TRIBUNE.

The infamous Glenn Education Bill, making it a crime to teach a white child in a colored school or a colored child in a white school, has passed the Lower House of the Georgia Legislature. It goes without saying that it will pass the Senate and be signed by the Governor. Practically the law will only operate against Atlanta University, which has seven white scholars on its roll, the children of professors in the institution who cannot be educated elsewhere in the State without insult and ostracism because they are the children of “nigger teachers.” Little hope can be had that the law will be defeated. That it will be executed with vindictive severity goes without saying also, and, as the penalty of the chain-gang is the maximum, it is not improbable that these white Christian teachers, if they persist in their duty, will be fettered by the side of convicts and subjected to the treatment which, upon the authority of its own grand juries, has made the chain-gang system of Georgia a reproach to common humanity and decency. And this is the New South over which Grady bloviated so pathetically! Is there no progress, no shame, in that section?

THE CHICAGO CONSERVATOR; (COLORED.)

The Glenn Bill has passed the House and awaits action equally certain and deplorable in the Senate. The Governor will sign it and thus consummate the most barbarous piece of legislation known since the Fugitive Slave Law. There are those who have perfect faith in the liberality, intelligence and justice of the New South. To them the Glenn Bill is a revelation. Having hailed the silver-tongued Grady as a leader of a higher civilization, they are loth to believe that the very State he represents is the first to stain its statutes with so unholy a law.

But it is there, boastful, brazen, and hideous in deformity. The wheels of progress are stopped and justice is appalled while the New South brands the missionary a felon and persecutes God’s noble men and women for daring to do right. But the curse remains. Poisoned by prejudice, reeking with injustice, dead to shame, and insensible to dishonor, the State of Georgia will push on in its reckless course, indifferent alike to reproof and counsel.

But it will not last long. The reign of injustice is sure to fail. Though much suffering may be endured to-day, still the time will come when Georgia will ask to blot from the book a law so inhuman and vile. Under the circumstances the colored race can do nothing to avert the evils of the iniquitous law. It has suffered much in the past and can suffer still more in the firm assurance that justice will ultimately assert itself and right will finally triumph over wrong.

THE CONGREGATIONALIST.

The bill has been framed adroitly. By providing for the colored race and for the white precisely the same educational advantages, making no discrimination whatever, it is attempted to evade those provisions of the national Constitution which would be infringed by the least effort to deprive either whites or blacks of any educational facilities supplied to the other race. But the bill is so drawn that it neutralizes the operation of this principle of equality. Whites and blacks will not be on the equal footing plainly intended by the Constitution unless they possess in law every privilege granted them in the other States, among which is that of studying in the same schools. Should this matter be carried to the United States Supreme Court—as we have no doubt that it will be, if necessary—there can be little question but that the bill will be pronounced unconstitutional. However this may be, it is too silly and unjust a measure ever to win the respect of judicious and honorable people, in any part of our country.

It is not improbable, and is greatly to be hoped, that as soon as the real nature of this bill becomes understood generally, an opposition to it will spring up, perhaps even in Georgia, which will put a quietus upon it once for all. If the bill pass, Georgia certainly will have taken a long and significant step back towards the dark ages, and business capital, as well as modern ideas, will give such a State the cold shoulder for years to come. Moreover, if any attempt should be made to enforce the law contained in the bill, there will be such a stir throughout the whole country as is not often witnessed.

THE CHICAGO ADVANCE.

Such a law and the execution of it is no new thing in that State. Nor is the application of it to missionary workers anything new in Georgia. Among the Cherokees in the northern part of the State the American Board had a mission planted so early as 1815, and this by 1831 had brought the people on to a large degree of Christian civilization, so that they had schools and churches and were living, as an old army officer told our informant, in a more enlightened way than the white “crackers” around them. But Georgia wanted their lands for the toil of slaves. Of course a sham treaty was the first step. The next was a law passed by the Legislature requiring all white men residing on the Cherokee lands to take the oath of allegiance to the State of Georgia, and get a license from the Governor under penalty, if found there after the first of March, 1831, of penitentiary imprisonment at hard labor, not less than four years. The missionaries, well knowing that this was in open conflict with their rights, under the constitution, laws and treaties of the United States, remained at their post. Rev. S. A. Worcester, D.D., and Dr. Butler, of the American Board Mission, Rev. Mr. Trott, a Methodist Missionary, and a Cherokee named Proctor, and seven others, mostly teachers, were arrested. The latter was for two nights chained by the neck to the wall of the house and by the ankle to Mr. Trott, and was marched two days chained by the neck to a wagon; and Dr. Butler was marched also with a chain about his neck, and part of the time in pitch darkness, with the chain fastened to the neck of a horse. After eleven days’ confinement in a filthy log prison, Judge Clayton sentenced Worcester and Butler to four years of hard labor in prison. To prison they were taken and set at hard labor. A memorial was sent to Andrew Jackson. He replied by Secretary-of-War Lewis Cass that the laws of Georgia had rendered the laws of Congress “inoperative,” and he had no power to interfere. Old Hickory, who could swear by the Eternal that South Carolina should not nullify in a matter of tariff, when slavery lifted its behest, had to succumb! The case was then carried to the Supreme Court of the United States, Chief Justice Marshall presiding, and rendering the decision which reversed and annulled the State action, and ordered the discharge of the prisoners. Here then came in Georgia’s great act of nullification. It refused to obey, and Gen. Jackson said, “Marshall may enforce his decision for himself.” Georgia had her way, awaiting the army of Sherman.

For sixteen months those godly missionaries languished in prison at hard labor. They refused to accept of pardon before they were incarcerated, on condition that they would never again reside in the Cherokee country. And when they came out they went back there to live.

We mention these facts to show to the Governor and Legislature of that State what manner of people are these, whom they propose, in a repetition of history, to thrust into the same filthy prison and chain-gang, which all the world is coming to recognize as one of Georgia’s relics of barbarism.

THE CHRISTIAN UNION.

If this bill becomes a law, it will be possible to punish a professor in the Atlanta University who chooses to teach his own child in the class-room of the University, by making him the associate of thieves and outlaws in the chain-gang for a year. This is simply monstrous, and, in spite of the practically unanimous vote of the lower branch of the Legislature, we do not believe that the intelligent people of Georgia favor any such infamous measure. If they do, then the curse of ignorance and barbarism which once blighted and limited the intellectual and the moral life of the South has not yet been thrown off by that State. The Christian Union, believing heartily in the Christian principle of putting behind the things that are past, has used, and will use, all its influence to soften sectional differences, to destroy sectional hatred, and to make in fact as in name one nation of a people who have shown by their unparalleled sacrifices the vigor and the purity of their patriotism. Those who strive to revive the bitter memories of the past, and to make issues now settled capital for success, the Christian Union has opposed and will oppose to the utmost of its ability; regarding all such men, whether Republicans or Democrats, as either too ignorant to be followed or too selfish to be trusted. But the adoption of such a measure as the bill now pending before the Georgia Legislature will set back the movement toward unity a decade, will put into the hands of selfish politicians in the North the strongest possible weapons against the South, and will discourage and cast down all intelligent and sober-minded lovers of their country. The people of Georgia have shown too much intelligence and good spirit to destroy the influence which they are rapidly acquiring in national affairs and to disgrace a record which, as a whole, has been admirable; we cannot believe they will do it. The South does not yet understand the inestimable service which the North rendered it in its hour of defeat by at once setting in motion educational agencies among the negroes. If now, in the face of such a service as this, rendered in the utmost unselfishness and sustained by the greatest generosity, the great State of Georgia shall lend its name to such a piece of barbarism as the Glenn Bill, it will be guilty of a piece of ingratitude almost without parallel. We refuse to believe that this bill represents the sentiment of the State.

THE NEW YORK OBSERVER.

We regard the Glenn bill as the most extraordinary manifestation of race feeling which has been made in any part of this country in many years. We are surprised at it because we believed that the State of Georgia, as well as other sections of the South, had long since passed the stage when a law like this could be thought of seriously, either as a necessity or as a matter of policy. The bill seems to us to be entirely retrogressive in its action and in the highest degree impolitic. It is an industrious attempt to make a mountain out of a mole-hill. We observe that several Georgia papers, the Atlanta Constitution among the rest, favor the proposed law on the ground that it obviates the danger arising from a mixture of the races. Now, we are not in favor of a mixture of the races, neither do we question the wisdom of the existing law of Georgia, which provides separate schools for colored and white children, but we do deprecate the attempt to incorporate in the statutes of any State such a drastic and offensive measure as the Glenn Bill. Even if such a danger existed as that named in the Constitution the proposed law would not help the matter one iota. It will not have the slightest influence on the question of social equality one way or the other. So far as it affects the future of the race question a more short-sighted, blundering, puerile piece of legislation could not be conceived. The bill ought to be “smothered” out of sight at once and forever.

THE CENTRAL CHRISTIAN ADVOCATE.

This bill is a low grade of revenge, unworthy of the legislators of a free people. The colored people are making the greatest sacrifices to obtain education, and by the generosity of their Northern friends, who have established a number of first-class schools for them in the South, they are making rapid advancement. They are making more rapid progress relatively than the whites. And, strange to say, these efforts to elevate their condition have created alarm, and the cry of social equality has been raised. Intelligent people in the South appear to be overwhelmed with the fear that if the Negroes are accorded the equal rights to which citizenship entitles them, that Southern white men and women will become so eager to marry them that they must be prevented by law.

Certainly this suspicion is unworthy of the people who harbor it. We know that in the old slavery times there was a deplorable amount of inter-racial association and licentiousness in the South. Nearly every plantation and negro quarters furnished proof of it. But we believe that the education of the negro will promote morality, and help to remove the evil. At all events, in a Government like ours, in which all citizens have equal rights, social standing cannot be regulated by law.

THE NEW YORK CHRISTIAN INTELLIGENCER.

It is reported that the galleries and lobbies were filled with a fashionable audience, interested in the passage of the measure. It reminds one of pagan civilization, when Roman ladies attended gladiatorial combats and mercilessly ordered death to the vanquished. It is also reported that Mr. Glenn, the originator of the bill, posed as the champion of this measure, with a button-hole bouquet presented him by his lady admirers. We bespeak for his efforts at fame the frail character of the bouquet. Already it is said that efforts are being made to pigeon-hole the bill in the Senate. The stupidity of the bill is manifest in the argument of its author, that co-education meant ultimate inter-marriage. If the adherents of this bill were as solicitous of their brains as they are of their blood, the matter of co-education would be rightly settled. We are told that Mr. Glenn is a young man who covets a reputation for statesmanship. We fear that this production of his prejudice will blast his budding hopes. He seems to be one born out of due time, about twenty-five years behind. The fifty prominent members who were conveniently absent indicates a conflict between principle and prejudice, or, if not principle, at least good politics and prejudice.

THE ST. LOUIS EVANGELIST.

It is a measure designed to legalize the color line, and notwithstanding the guarantees of the national constitution, to re-construct the old caste régime by a tentative process. This burning question of the old prejudice ought to have been settled so far as individual rights are concerned long ago, but there seems to be an ill-concealed fear of the blacks and of their future dominant influence in the State and in the Church. Properly educated and fairly treated the negro will be quite sure to maintain genuine respect for others of a lighter color. The educational work will go on and with the gospel of Christ be the means of giving prosperity and wholesome restraint to both races. “The New South” cannot afford such an exhibition of fear and prejudice even as a proposition to any one of its State Legislatures. It will take a long time and the patient exercise of prudence to adjust these matters righteously.

THE NEW YORK INDEPENDENT.

The colored people clearly saw through the brutality and meanness of this law, and that it was aimed at their rights. So every colored paper in Georgia denounces the law, and the two colored members voted and spoke against it. They happen to be illiterate men from the south of the State, and could not speak effectively. One of them, however, did call attention to the fact that it applies to not a few Sunday-schools which have colored classes.

It is time for those who wish to keep the Negro down to wake up; and they are doing so. They are none too soon. The Negro is rising. Those who do not wish him to rise must now sit on the safety valve; and that they will do. The unanimity with which this bill passes the Georgia Legislature is appalling. It shows that the white race there is given over to believe a lie, that it may reap the consequences. We shall now not be surprised to see this law followed by others, and enacted in other States, and a war of races provoked. Heaven knows we deprecate it. We pray for peace and liberty. The next thing may be to forbid white men and women to teach in Atlanta and Clark University. Why not? This is a crusade against Negro elevation, against Negroes being allowed to be as good as white men or being treated as well. But the end will come all right, even if it be through peril. It may require great courage and patience for a while. Our deep sympathy will go to those white teachers whose children attend these institutions. Our prayers are with them that they may be led in the Lord’s way. Just now the Devil’s way is popular in Georgia; but the Lord is on the side of the weaker battalions.

EXTRACTS FROM THE SOUTHERN PRESS.

THE AUGUSTA (GA.) CHRONICLE.

It is not new legislation to deprive the colored man of any rights under the law. It is not either harsh or arbitrary legislation. It is no interference with his personal or political rights. The Glenn law merely provides for the enforcement of the constitutional provision and statutory laws governing the public school system of Georgia. That is all that there is in the bill. Public sentiment justifies the enactment and demands a rigid enforcement of the law against co-education of the races.

Our stalwart friends bear false witness against the people of Georgia, unintentionally, we hope, and we desire, if possible, to remove the false impressions under which they labor. If they respect the organic and statute laws of the State, if they have any regard for the convictions and civilization and settled policy of our people, which is irrevocable and firm as the granite of our mountains, they cannot fail to see the injustice done the State by their misrepresentation and abuse. If our contemporaries proceed upon the higher-law theory and have no regard for the constitutional, legal and moral rights and customs of our people—if they have no regard for the right of each State to legislate for and regulate its own domestic affairs—they are advocating the claims of the socialists and communists of the land, who assert that there is a law higher than statutes and more imperative than the most sacred rights of civilization.

There is no law, and there will be no law in Georgia against the education of our brother in black, either in the primary or intermediate department—either in the high schools or colleges. There is a law against the co-education of the races, and if there were no law to prohibit, our civilization would prevent. The constitution of the State prevents co-education of races. The Negroes do not want it. The whites will not have it. It is the fixed policy of the State to do equal and exact justice to the colored man. The people of Georgia will regulate their own domestic affairs without being influenced by outside misrepresentation, or deterred by foolish intimidation. Our Legislature will enact such additional laws in reference to the education of the colored and white races separately as it may deem most conducive to the welfare of each, and secure the enforcement of the same without any regard to the silly ravings or foolish threats of men who know nothing about the educational status of the Negro in Georgia, and the relations that exist between the whites and blacks. Co-education of the whites and blacks in the South is an impossibility, and the reasons are so apparent that it is unnecessary either to present or discuss them any further.

THE SAVANNAH (GA.) MORNING NEWS.

The Glenn Bill is a wise measure for several reasons, but mainly because it will save the public school system from destruction. In the preservation of that system both races are interested. It can only be preserved by keeping the races separate in the schools. If the blacks were to demand mixed schools and were to attempt to secure them through the ballot box, the whites would at once oppose appropriations for schools, and the common school system would be ruined. There are two colored institutions in Atlanta in which white children are now taught. Co-education in these two schools will soon be made the excuse for mixed common schools. The agitation will be productive of much bad feeling and cannot help injuring the common schools by arousing public sentiment against them. The sentiment of the State is clearly against mixing the races in any way, and the Glenn Bill is in harmony with that sentiment.

THE MACON (GA.) TELEGRAPH.

The Glenn Bill, now pending in the Georgia Legislature, is intended to carry out a clause of the State constitution. That the people of the State indorse this clause is shown in the large vote by which the constitution was adopted nearly a decade since. The framers of that instrument declared that there should be no mixed schools in Georgia.

This clause has been openly and flagrantly violated by the teachers of Atlanta University. In that institution social equality has been notoriously taught and practiced, and in that institution colored teachers are prepared for places in the public school system of the State. It would matter but little if only the white children of the professors of the Atlanta University were thus taught and trained, but the example is pernicious and is becoming pervasive. Georgia cannot and will not permit the natural line of demarcation between blacks and whites to be broken down. She will countenance nothing now looking to the mixture of the races in the future, to the misery and possible destruction of both.

The school system of the State provides equal facilities to blacks and whites, and the Glenn Bill does not impair or threaten any right or privilege of the Negro. He is being educated now, by the taxes of white men, to better advantage than these same white men were educated years ago. It is the policy, the interest and the safety of Georgia to keep the line of demarcation between white and black as distinctly marked as is the Gulf Stream in the waters of the Atlantic. The most intelligent negroes favor separate schools and teachers of their own race. Everything is satisfactory, except to certain fanatical philanthropists and mischievous politicians, and the present attempt at intimidation will soon fail.

THE ATLANTA (GA.) CONSTITUTION.

It is understood on every hand that public education at the south would be overthrown in a moment if mixed schools were to be ordered now. This is a fact with which every one here is familiar. This being the case, how is it that the professors of the Atlanta University, who have presumably been among us for some time, do not understand the situation? For all we know they may be trying to make martyrs of themselves, but we tell them plainly that they have struck a blow at Negro education in the South from which it will not recover in the next quarter of a century. If they are really the friends of the Negro they would have waited for time to do its perfect work, but in jumping ahead of time they are responsible for sending back the clock. Thus the matter stands.

THE NASHVILLE CUMBERLAND PRESBYTERIAN.

The bill seems to be aimed at the Atlanta University, where there are a few white children—mostly those of the teachers—who have gone there as missionaries to the colored people. A similar state of things exists in the colored schools of this State, and particularly in this city. No harm has ever come of this practice. No white person has ever married a Negro, and there is not the remotest probability that such a thing will ever occur. We think it is far better in the South at least that the two races should be educated in separate schools, and that they should worship in separate churches. But when it comes to making it a crime for missionaries to teach their own children in the schools which they are sustaining with a self-denial that is really sublime, we enter a most emphatic protest in the name of the Christian religion which those people are seeking to propagate among the ignorant and degraded blacks of the South. The author of this bill in the Georgia Legislature attempts to justify it on the ground of his interest in the colored people. He also says that he fears amalgamation. When assured that no such a result is at all probable he explains that he fears intellectual amalgamation even more than physical. This is not even respectable nonsense. If the contact of an inferior with a superior mind produces an intellectual hybrid, then we are all in danger. In denouncing this Georgia bill we do not advocate the co-education of the two races, nor do we believe there is any sensible man in this part of the world who does. If the Georgia legislator’s view is to become the law of the land, then let the Church of God recall its missionaries from heathen lands and acknowledge Christianity a failure. The men and women, all over this land, who have gone among the poor, unfortunate Negroes and taught them knowledge and the way of salvation deserve special honor and thanks at our hands. Every consideration of religion and patriotism ought to make the friends of the Glenn Bill in the Georgia Legislature ashamed of themselves. There is no nobler work in this world than helping the lowly. There is no danger that anybody will be hurt by trying to redeem the negro from ignorance and sin.

GEORGIA’S NEED OF TEACHERS.

B. M. Zettler, Supt. of Public Schools, Macon, Ga., expresses himself in favor of the Blair Bill, in the following, which we take from the Atlanta Constitution. It should be remembered that the colored teachers to whom Mr. Zettler refers come largely from the A. M. A. schools, and especially from the Atlanta University:

“For fifteen years Georgia has been struggling with her public school system, and owing to lack of means but little progress has been made towards efficiency and thoroughness. Outside of our principal cities and towns the people are literally without school-houses, and the State ought to spend not less than a hundred thousand dollars annually for five years in providing suitable school-houses. But with a school fund not sufficient to keep the schools open three months in the year it is utterly useless to talk about appropriating a dime for such a purpose.

“Then, too, we need at least a dozen well-equipped normal or training schools for teachers in different sections of the State, or, perhaps, which would suit our immediate needs better, fifty summer institutes to introduce modern methods of teaching, and prepare persons to teach in the schools. It is a fact, sir, to-day in Georgia, that most of the white public schools of our rural districts are taught (?) by broken-down preachers, doctors and lawyers, men who not only know little about teaching, but who are ‘worn out’ and are physically unequal to the work of teaching. And just here let me call your attention to the difference in the white and the colored schools in this respect. The latter are, almost without exception, in the hands of young men and women as teachers, and these bring to their work the enthusiasm and freshness of youth. Scores of them come, too, from the training schools, not only instructed in modern methods, but overflowing with zeal in the cause of popular education. They become, in every sense of the word, ‘missionaries of education’ to their people, and when their State association convenes in annual session they come up by the hundred to report results and compare ideas, not forgetting to send words of greeting to the score or two of white teachers assembled in the same capacity. Is the contrast a pleasant one for the white people of our State? I think not.

“But I need not go beyond the borders of our own county to prove that we need the aid offered by the Blair Bill. Right here in Bibb we ought to spend ten thousand dollars a year for five years in building and equipping school-houses. We need, right now, thirty additional school-houses in the country districts, and at least two more in the city, and with the addition to our school fund of the eight to twelve thousand dollars a year for eight years that would fall to our share under the provisions of the Blair Bill, as it passed the Senate, we could afford to spend at least five thousand dollars a year of our county appropriation in these greatly needed school buildings.”

LE MOYNE INSTITUTE.

I know some readers of The American Missionary, as they follow the work of the various institutions from year to year in the accounts sent from the field, wonder how each year in succession can possibly be reported “the very best in the history of the school,” and ask rather dubiously if at such a rate perfection is not near. It is a fact, however, in the history of all our well-established schools, barring accidents of unusual nature that could not be foreseen or controlled, that each year does show gratifying advancement in many respects. Beginning eighteen to twenty or more years ago with nothing but our hands and plenty of exceedingly raw material to work upon, it would be strange if room were not found for improvement and growth, and while thankful for what has been gained we see abundance of room for yet further advancement. When this ceases to be the general report from the South it may be taken as a sign that our presence is no longer needed there. Le Moyne School can again, as often heretofore, report “the best year in its whole history.” We have had trials and cares and annoyances, but most of them have, we trust, but strengthened our work and given assurance of future triumphs.

Our total enrollment during this year has been larger than ever before. The average attendance has been much better, more students remaining in school steadily through the year, and we are certain that we see a steady growth in stability of mind and character among our young people. A truer conception of what life is and the best preparation possible to meet its requirements, we try to keep constantly in mind as the aim and end of all our work.

The complete equipment of our Manual Training Department and its complete destruction by fire in April, marks both a triumph and a trial to us, and its reconstruction and re-equipment before the middle of May, in every respect more complete and thorough than before, makes it easy for us to forget the loss and doubly to rejoice over the doubly won success.

This department adds greatly to the strength of our work and influence. We feel its reaction for good in every class and exercise of the school.

The closing exercises of the year were of unusual interest. The annual sermon was preached by Prof. Austin, a recent graduate of Fisk University. His sermon, plain and full of applications to life and personal conduct, showed, with his general bearing, that his own training had not been in vain, and as coming from one of their own number who had gained his education and his success by his own effort, it was received with perhaps better effect than might have been an abler sermon by one out of their sphere of life.

The Children’s Exhibition and that of the Junior Classes of the Normal Department were well attended, and of course a source of great enjoyment and delight to the pupils and their friends, while the proceeds of admission have given us a handsome sum to be expended in new books for our growing and most useful library, containing now over 1,600 volumes, gathered during the past twelve years by such efforts. The exercises of graduation were attended by a great throng of people, numbering from two to three thousand, filling to overflowing the largest church in the city, the African M. E.

Five students were graduated from the full Normal course, with the usual accompaniments of flowers and enthusiasm on the part of admiring friends. It would be difficult to state the meaning of such occasions to these people. I leave it to be imagined. The address this year was given by Judge Greer of the city, a most able and estimable man. He spoke of the advancement of the child over the parent, showing the vast progress made in the world in the past century, and hoping for yet better things for generations of youth coming on and yet to come.

The Alumni meeting brought together nearly thirty of the graduates of the school, most of the classes being represented. Only the graduates, the faculty and a few invited guests enjoy this the last and best exercise of the year.

The addresses then given, some impromptu and some after careful preparation, brought in themselves, and with the company of self-respecting young people present, ample reward for the years of toil and sacrifice that have led to such results.

A. J. STEELE.

THE CHINESE.

CALIFORNIA AS A MISSIONARY FIELD.

In the deeply interesting paper of Secretary Barrows, presented at the last Anniversary of the A. H. M. S., the expectation is expressed that California, and several other States, “will soon take upon themselves the whole burden of their own support and, not only so, will assist the mother society.” I venture to make this expectation my text for this month’s article in the Missionary, because it represents a view of California very prevalent among our Eastern friends, and to one who looks at us through the newspapers and from a distance of from 2,000 to 4,000 miles, apparently well founded. It is not impertinent, I think, for me to remark upon this expectation; I even feel it necessary that I should do so; because it suggests inevitably the query whether California—if the responsibility were thrown upon her—could not at once take care of all needed missionary work among the Chinese.

I think I may safely claim that but one of my brethren is better acquainted with the condition of our churches in California than I am, and to him I have submitted the statement I am about to make. I refer to our veteran Home Missionary Superintendent, Rev. Dr. Warren. His reply is in these words: “Have read your note carefully twice; every word is true.”

There is great and rapidly increasing wealth in California; wealth, if it were held consecrate to Christ, far more than sufficient to sustain all needed religious institutions; but it is safe to say that forty-nine fiftieths (and I wrote at first, not without careful thought, ninety-nine one-hundredths,) of it is in hands of men who will not consider appeals for missionary contributions and evince no interest in any church work. There are also some strong churches in California, in connection with all the leading denominations, and we, Congregationalists, have perhaps our share of them. These churches have wealthy men in their congregations, and a few of these men are professors of religion. But what I wish noted is that all such churches, so far as our own denomination is concerned, could be counted on the fingers of one hand. I name them: The First and Plymouth of San Francisco, the First in Oakland, and the First in Los Angeles.

Of course, when we speak of churches as strong or weak, we speak relatively. I have in mind what might be called the New England standard, and I say that only these four among all our churches would, if set down in Massachusetts or Connecticut, be accounted strong. The churches in Berkeley and in Sacramento would rank next to these, though in both of them the home work involves a constant struggle. There are certain other points, as Ferndale, Lockeford, Woodland, South San Juan, and especially Grass Valley, where single individuals of considerable wealth are connected more or less closely with our churches, but when I have spoken of these I have exhausted the list of those who could give largely, however well disposed.

We have (say) 120 Congregational churches in the State, with (say) 8,000 members. (The last statistics, now nearly a year old, give 114 churches and 7,308 members.) More than three-eighths of this aggregate membership are to be found in five churches, leaving to the remaining 115 churches an average membership of about 40. Among these remaining churches are 15 that have an aggregate membership now of about 2,500; so that we have 100 churches with an average membership not exceeding 25. These churches are scattered over a territory nearly three times as large as all New England. A line drawn diagonally across California in either direction would reach from the northeastern point of Maine to the centre of North Carolina! It is a State of boundless possibilities, inviting and now welcoming a tremendous immigration. Opportunities abound. The demands for Christian work, in order to improve these opportunities, are imperious and almost oppressive. What might be possible if California Christians were all ideal Christians, I do not know; but taking Christian people as they average the country over, taking churches as we find them in this world and at this particular stage in the development of Christianity, it is chimerical to suppose that for a long time to come the Home Missionary work that ought to be done in connection with our denomination in California will be sustained by contributions made upon the ground. Still more chimerical it would be to expect that this missionary work among the Chinese, to which we are summoned by every instinct of our faith and by a special call of Providence, but which here is called to encounter special prejudices and pull a laboring oar unceasingly against both wind and tide, could be maintained without assistance from abroad. The fact is that but for the generous assistance of the American Missionary Association there would not be enough left of our Chinese mission to stir any interest or induce any giving at all in California. It is because the Association started us, and because it, and it alone, enables us to give to the work such extent as it has, and develop it into such present usefulness and gather about it such promise of larger good; it is thus, and thus only, that we have gained our vantage-ground for successful appeal. As it is, the amount contributed in California for this cause must be to every one acquainted with all the facts a grateful surprise. It reached last year a total of $2,654.05. I trust the amount will be no smaller this year. But should the Association stand aside, it would in another year be reduced almost to nothing. When effort becomes hopeless, enthusiasm dies.

GRADUATING ADDRESS OF YAN PHOU LEE, AT YALE COLLEGE.

THE OTHER SIDE OF THE CHINESE QUESTION.

The torrents of hatred and abuse which have periodically swept over the Chinese industrial class in America had their sources in the early California days. They grew gradually in strength, and, uniting in one mighty stream, at last broke the barriers with which justice, humanity and the Constitution of the Republic had until then restrained their fury.

The catastrophe was too terrible, and has made too deep an impression to be easily forgotten. Even if Americans are disposed to forget, the Chinese will not fail to keep the sad record of faith unkept, of persecution permitted by an enlightened people, of rights violated without redress in a land where all are equal before the law.

Sad it is that in a Christian community only a feeble voice here and there has been raised against this public wrong; while the enemies of the Chinese laborer may be counted by the million. Yet these men, having everything their own way, are still dissatisfied and cannot rest secure until all the Chinese laborers have been driven out or killed off with the connivance of a perverted public opinion. Is it not high time for good men to —— themselves and say to the enemy of industry and order, “Halt! thus far shalt thou go, and no farther”? For be assured that after the Chinese have all departed, those men who are determined to get high wages for doing nothing will turn against other peaceful sons of toil; and who would venture to say that there will be absolute safety for the native American? Mob-rule knows no respect for persons; the Chinese were attacked first simply because they were the weakest. I do not deny that the anti-Chinese agitation has some show of reason. But its strength rests on three erroneous assumptions, by proving the groundlessness of which the whole superstructure of fallacy and falsehood can be made to totter.

First, it is assumed that the work to be done and the fund for labor’s remuneration are fixed quantities, and that if the Chinese are employed so much will be taken from other laborers. It is sufficient to reply that no economist holds that view.

Secondly, it is assumed that the Pekin authorities are anxious to get rid of its redundant population. Nothing can be more absurd. They have been always, and are still, averse to the emigration of their subjects; so much so that they yielded only to the inducements and concessions offered by this Government, which are embodied in the Burlingame Treaty. Another proof is the readiness with which they consented to the limitation of Chinese immigration when the Angell Treaty was negotiated.

Thirdly, it is assumed that China’s four hundred millions are only waiting for an opening to “inundate” this country. This is soberly asserted and has the effect of the Gorgon-head; for who is not stunned at the bare mention of this appalling and impending disaster? It would be terrible if it were possible—if it could be true.

But there is no cause for apprehension. The immigration of my compatriots has been exclusively from Canton and the region around it within a radius of a hundred miles. The population of this district is estimated at 5,000,000. Not a single immigrant has hailed from any other part of the Empire. The Mongolization of America, therefore, is an event as far off as the Millennium. For after twenty-five years of unrestricted immigration, your patriotic agitators could muster up only 200,000 Chinese laborers in all the States and Territories. Now place this figure side by side with the 3,000,000 of immigrant princes from the “English Poland,” which has never had more than 8,000,000 inhabitants at any one time, and you will be struck with the contrast.

What reason can we give why so few comparatively come from China? The Chinese are by nature and from habit gregarious, but not migratory. They dislike to cut adrift from the ties of kindred, the associations of home, the traditions of fatherland. The belief that their welfare in the future life depends on the proper burial of their remains in home-soil, followed by sorrowing children and tearful widow, curbs their desire to go abroad, even with the hope of bettering their condition. But as only the poorest are tempted to lead a life of adventure, and as the good Emperor does not pay their passage money, the number that can leave their native land is very small. Thus you will find that Chinese immigrants are usually poor on landing, for they bring no votes in their pockets which can immediately be turned into money, and so they must rely upon their countrymen who have preceded them for assistance. This is afforded by the Six Companies, who accordingly have a lien on their prospective wages. From this practice of advancing money arises the terrible accusation that Chinese labor is contract labor—is slave labor. We know with what reluctance they first made their way to this country. Oftentimes they had to be drugged and kidnapped. It was thought necessary, for labor in those days was in great demand; the Western country was wild; its resources wanted development. Laborers were welcome irrespective of race or nationality.

But the times soon changed; California had grown rich and flourishing; the Pacific Railroad had been built; wages had fallen; the Chinese became superfluous, and the corals which constructed the reef must go or die. From being an economic question, the expulsion of the Chinese laborers was made a political question. Disinterested demagogues easily won mob-favor by advocating the cause of the sand-lot, and the Chinese workmen were sacrificed to the Moloch of political ambition. The matter was carried to the National Council, and you would suppose that Congress at least would be just and dispassionate, but it, too, was borne along the waves of prejudice.

In every such conflict might is right; the weakest goes to the wall. Two parties were bidding for the Pacific vote—that of great moral principles as well as that of no principles. The Chinese came in like cloth between the blades of the scissors, like Mr. Pickwick between the infuriated rival editors of Eatanswill. When 80,000 offices were at stake, and the hoodlums of California had to be petted, it was not hard to make the Chinese out to be undesirable immigrants and to hoodwink the public with charges against them which are false, or which may be preferred against all immigrants.

Sand-lotters were scandalized by the alleged immoral practices of the Asiatics; were in trembling and fear lest their Christianity should suffer by contact with Chinese paganism. I believe the cesspool once complained of the influx of muddy water. Californians prohibited the Chinese from becoming citizens and then accused them of failure to become naturalized. People in general were staggered at the imminent danger of the Mongolization of America and at the same time found fault with the Chinese for not making the United States their home. “Consistency, thou art a jewel.”

Those who make America a catspaw to secure home-rule chestnuts proved most conclusively the non-assimilability of the Chinese race—said they came simply to make money which eventually found its way to the old country. I admit both points: I admit that they do not come to America for the good of their fatherland and mother church, and that they do come to make money. So do Americans in China. They are wicked enough to send money home to support wife and children, but they give an equivalent in work. Gold and silver are things you can most conveniently spare; but if you must keep them at home, why then make a law forbidding their export.

I also admit that the Chinese laborer does not assimilate with your enlightened Hibernian citizens. Thank God for that! If he did, he would not be compelled to do menial work through fear of starvation. If he did he might have become a saloon statesman by this time, or even a much-envied “boodler.” If he did, he might be even now luxuriating in Sing Sing at the public expense.

But why pursue this theme further? The bill was passed which excludes both skilled as well as unskilled Chinese laborers, though the Court of Pekin diplomatically understood that the restriction was to affect common workmen alone. Natives of China are forbidden to become citizens of this Republic, which takes to its bosom the off-scouring, the garbage, and the dynamite of Europe. Never had there been seen such pandering to the worst passion of an insignificant faction!

Were it not for the tragic events which trod on the heels of the Chinese Immigration Bill, one might be inclined to laugh at the absurdities in the bill itself. If the law is faithfully executed (and to be worth anything it must be), all Americans born in China are disfranchised, and all Chinese natives of British colonies, like Hong Kong and India, have free access to this country. But who could laugh in the midst of indignant tears? By passing a discriminating law against an already persecuted class, the Central Government yielded to the demands of the mob, and to that extent countenanced its violence and lawlessness. The Anti-Chinese Act is a cause of all the outrages and massacres that have been since committed in Rock Springs and Denver, in Portland, San Francisco and other parts, which, if they had been perpetrated in China against Americans, would have resounded from Bedloe’s Island (whereon stands the Statue of Liberty) to the Golden Gate. But the criminals in these cases were not punished, and even the pitiful indemnity was voted down until Congress could not withhold it from very shame.

I have stated facts which are well known. It is not necessary to exaggerate. I now ask you Christian people of America whether you have not failed in your duties as lovers of justice and fatherland, in not enforcing your opinions in public and in private, as well in church as in State. I ask those who gallantly sided with the strong against the weak, whether they do not think they have done enough for glory and personal ambition?

If there is an avenging Deity, (and we believe there is), ought you not to beware of the retribution which is sure to overtake a nation that permits the cold-blooded murder of innocent strangers within its gates to go unpunished?

RECEIPTS FOR JULY, 1887.

MAINE, $358.65.
Andover. “A Friend,” for Williamsburg, Ky. | $10.00
Auburn. Sixth St. Cong. Ch. | 9.04
Bangor. Madam Coe. for Oahe Ind’l Sch. | 5.00
Cumberland Mills. Warren Ch. | 8.70
Garland. Cong. Ch. and Soc. | 7.00
Machias. Sab. Sch. of Cong. Ch. | 10.00
Monson. Cong. Ch. | 5.05
Portland. State St. Cong. Ch., 150; Williston Ch., 40 | 190.00
Saco. First Parish Cong. Ch. | 7.86
South Berwick. Sab. Sch. of Cong. Ch., for Kreutzer Marie Adlof Sch’p. | 100.00
South Berwick. Mrs. Lewis’ S. S. Class, for Wilmington, N.C. | 2.00
West Brooksville. Cong. Ch. | 2.00
Winterport. Cong. Ch. | 2.00

NEW HAMPSHIRE, $376.32.
Claremont. “Friend” | 1.00
Concord. First Cong. Ch. and Soc. | 46.00
Derry. First Cong. Ch. and Soc. | 70.00
Fitzwilliam. Mrs. L. Hill | 10.00
Great Falls. Cong. Ch. | 20.00
Hopkinton. First Cong. Ch. | 25.06
Manchester. Hanover St. Cong. Ch. and Soc., 69.01; C. B. Southworth, 25 | 94.01
Monroe. Mrs. Emeline H. Chase | 4.00
Nashua. Fist Cong. Ch. and Soc. | 16.55
Rochester. “Friends” | 20.00
Union. Ladies of Cong. Ch., 17.38; “Do Good Soc. of Children,” 2.62, for Storrs Sch., Atlanta, Ga. | 20.00
Warner. Cong. Ch. and Soc. | 9.20
Winchester. A. L. Jewell, 5; Sab. Sch. of Cong. Ch., 2.68 | 7.68
| —————
| $343.50
LEGACIES.
Cornish. Estate of Mrs. Sarah W. Westgate, by Geo. H. Ayers, Chairman of Trustees | 25.82
Concord. Estate of G. B. Wardwell | 7.00
| —————
| $376.32

VERMONT, $245.72.
Cambridge. Second Cong. Ch. and Soc. | 1.00
Castleton. First Cong. Ch. | 16.85
Coventry. Ladies of Cong. Ch., for McIntosh, Ga. | 11.00
Fair Haven. First Cong. Ch. | 14.04
Franklin. Cong. Ch. | 5.00
Granby and Victory. Cong. Ch. and Soc. | 5.17
Jericho Center. First Cong. Ch. | 7.00
Johnson. Cong. Ch. | 16.00
Lunenburg. Cong. Ch. | 3.00
Lyndon. Mrs. A. L. Ray | 2.00
North Craftsbury. Cong. Ch. and Soc. | 12.72
Norwich. Mrs. Albert Buell | 10.00
Peacham. Ladies, for McIntosh, Ga., by Mrs. C. A. Bunker | 21.00
Poultney. Cong. Ch. | 6.00
Saint Johnsbury. Ladies, adl., for McIntosh, Ga., by Mrs. Henry Fairbanks | 1.25
Saxton’s River. Cong. Ch. and Soc. | 23.29
Sheldon. Cong. Ch. | 5.00
Thetford. First Cong. Ch. | 3.75
Waitsfield. Ladies, for McIntosh, Ga., by Mrs. Henry Fairbanks | 8.00
Waterville. Cong. Ch. and Soc. | 1.00
Woodstock. Cong. Ch. | 72.65

MASSACHUSETTS, $4,287.51.
Alford. J. Jay Dana, to const. Rev. Augustus Alvord, L. M. | 30.00
Amherst. First Cong. Ch. | 25.00
Amherst. Boy’s Soc., by Miss Emma Beaman, for Indian M. | 6.00
Amherst. Miss M. H. Scott, Bbl. of C., for Tougaloo U.
Andover. Chapel Ch. and Cong., 70; G. W. W. Dove, 50; Free Christian Ch., 25, bal. to const. George Christie, L. M. | 145.00
Arlington. Ortho. Cong. Ch. | 25.00
Beverly. Dane St. Ch. and Soc. | 226.88

Boston. “A partial payment of the Debt due from the North to the Colored race of the South” | 50.00
Boston. “A Friend” | 10.00
Boston. Mrs. Jacob Fullarton | 0.50
Dorchester. Second Cong. Ch. and Soc. (5 of which for Indian M.) | 115.71
Roxbury. Immanuel Ch. and Soc., to const. Francis J. Ward, L. M. | 90.60
West Roxbury. South Evan. Ch. and Soc. | 29.65

——— | 296.46
Brockton. E. C. Randall | 0.50
Brookfield. Mrs. R. B Montague | 8.00
Brookline. Harvard Ch. and Soc. | 68.45
Cambridge. Miss H. E. Moore | 8.00
Canton. Evan. Cong. Ch. | 15.00
Chelsea. Mrs. Emma B. Evans | 5.00
Chesterfield. Cong. Ch. | 5.00
Coleraine. Ladies of Cong. Ch. | 10.00
Conway. Cong. Ch. | 6.00
Dighton. Ladies’ Miss’y Soc., by Mrs. Wm. B. Greene | 10.00
East Bridgewater. Sab. Sch. of Union Cong. Ch., for Student Aid, Talladega C. | 25.00
East Charlemont. Cong. Ch. and Soc. | 2.87
Easthampton. First Cong. Ch. and Soc. | 77.58
Easton. Cong. Ch. and Soc., to const. Rev. F. P. Chapin, L. M. | 35.91
Easton. Sab. Sch. of Cong. Ch., for Student Aid. Fisk U., and to const. Miss C. E. Mitchell, L. M. | 35.00
Falmouth. First Ch. | 62.91
Fitchburg. C. C. Ch. | 30.00
Framingham. “A Friend” | 25.00
Gilbertville. Cong. Ch. | 3.00
Gloucester. Evan. Cong. Ch. and Soc. | 50.00
Haverhill Center. Cong. Ch. and Soc., to const. Mrs. Samuel Driver, L. M. | 100.00
Haydenville. Cong. Ch. and Soc. | 12.00
Holliston. Cong. Ch. and Soc., 147.88; “Bible Christians of Dist. No. 4,” 30 | 177.88
Holliston. Inf. Sab. Sch. Cong. Ch., for Student Aid, Talladega C. | 6.17
Holyoke. “Friends,” by E. B. Reed, for Indian Scholarship | 17.50
Holyoke. “Friends,” for Indian M. | 7.00
Hyde Park. By Mrs. E. S. Paine, for Oahe Indl. Sch. | 2.00
Lawrence. South Cong. Ch. and Soc. | 15.36
Lenox. Cong. Ch. | 29.50
Lexington. Hancock Ch. and Soc. | 13.50
Marblehead. J. J. H. Gregory, for Wilmington, N.C. | 94.33
Marlboro. Union Cong. Ch., to const. Mrs. Samuel Boyd, Mrs. Delia E. Bucklin, and Mrs. John E. Curtis, L. M’s | 93.62
Medway. Village Ch. and Soc. | 85.89
Milbury. First Cong. Ch. and Soc. | 51.60
Monterey. Cong. Ch. | 30.00
New Bedford. Members North Cong. Ch., for Tougaloo U. | 15.00
Newton. Eliot Ch. and Soc. | 100.00
Newton. “Eliot Mission Circle,” 16 for Oahe, and 70c. for Rosebud Indian M. | 16.70
Newton Center. First Cong. Ch. and Soc. | 85.57
Newton Center. First Cong. Ch., for Indian M. | 20.00
North Adams. First Cong. Ch. | 22.68
Northampton. Kate E. Tyler | 10.00
Northboro. Sab. Sch. of Evan. Cong. Ch. | 15.00
North Woburn. B. F. Kimball | 2.50
North Woburn. Miss Amanda Sevrens, for Rosebud Indian M. | 0.20
Oxford. Cong. Ch. and Soc., 76; Woman’s Miss’y Soc., by L. D. Stockwell, Treas., 14 | 90.00
Peabody. Sab. Sch., S. Cong. Ch., for Oahe Ind’l Sch. | 25.00
Pittsfield. First Cong. Ch. and Soc., 85; Second Cong. Ch. and Sab. Sch., 10 | 95.00
Sherborn. Pilgrim Ch. and Sab. Sch. | 30.00
Southboro. Miss M. J. Temple, for Freight | 1.50
South Framingham. “Friends,” for Indian M. | 12.00
South Lee. Mrs. Horace Martin | 3.50
Templeton. Trin. Ch. and Soc. | 19.07
Townsend. Cong. Ch. and Soc. | 21.84
Wakefield. Cong. Ch. | 50.95
Wendell. Cong. Ch., 3; “Friends,” 5 | 8.00
West Boxford. Cong. Ch. and Soc. | 8.00
Westhampton. “P.” | 5.00
West Medway. Second Cong. Ch., bal. to const. Helen C. Allen, L. M. | 15.73
West Newton. Cong. Ch., for Talledega C. | 53.85
West Tisbury. First Cong. Ch. | 4.59
Weymouth. S. F. Jenkins’ Bible Class, for Wilmington, N.C. | 10.00
Whitman. “A Friend,” to const. Miss Sarah M. Bates and Harry R. Reed, L. M’s | 60.00

Worcester. Plymouth Cong. Ch., (80 of which to const. Rev. Charles Wadsworth, L. M.) 187; Piedmont Cong. Ch., 100; Salem St. Ch. 38.55

325.55

By Charles Marsh, Treas. Hampden Benev. Ass’n:

Agawam. Feeding Hills | 15.00
Chicopee. Second | 53.92
Chicopee. Third | 13.97
Chicopee. Third for Indian M. | 2.53
Holyoke. Second | 86.98
Huntington. Second | 13.15
South Hadley Falls | 19.50
Springfield. North | 37.17
Springfield. South | 47.08
Wilbraham | 12.75

——— | 302.05
| —————
| $3,403.19
LEGACIES.
Cambridge. Estate of A. E. Hildreth, by his Sons | 500.00
Uxbridge. Estate of Mrs. A. H. Tucker, by Jacob Taft, Ex. | 384.32
| —————
| $4,287.51

RHODE ISLAND, $174.97.
Central Falls. “A Friend” | 25.00
Little Compton. Sab. Sch. of Cong. Ch., bal. for Kreutzer Marie Adlof Sch’p | 8.00
Pawtucket. Cong. Ch. | 115.97
Providence. Young Ladies’ Mission Circle of North Cong. Ch., for Indian M. | 26.00

CONNECTICUT, $4,038.88.
Berlin. Ladies’ Sewing Soc. of Cong. Ch., for Conn. Ind’l School, Ga. | 21.25
Bridgeport. Sab. Sch. of Second Cong. Ch., for Sch’p, Indian M. | 25.51
Bristol. Cong. Ch. | 75.00
Buckingham. Ladies’ Sewing Soc., for Conn. Ind’l School, Ga. | 5.00
Burlington. Cong. Ch. | 3.00
Cheshire. Sab. Sch. of Cong. Ch., for Rosebud Indian M. | 5.50
Clinton. Cong. Ch. and Soc., for Indian M. | 3.05
Colebrook. Cong. Ch. (1 of which from Mrs. E. Penney, of Millbrook) | 15.12
Cornwall. First Cong. Ch. | 15.07
Durham. First Cong. Ch. | 12.96
East Granby. Cong. Ch. | 5.00
East Hampton. Sab. Sch. of Cong. Ch., for Indian M. | 6.00
Ellsworth. Cong. Ch. | 8.56
Fairfield. Mrs. Jonathan Sturges, for Indian M. | 25.00
Farmington. Cong. Ch. | 85.31
Greenfield Hill. Cong. Ch. | 15.43
Guilford. Third Cong. Ch., for Student Aid, Atlanta U. | 30.00
Hadlyme. R. E. Hungerford, 100; Jos. W. Hungerford, 100; Cong. Ch., 5.70 | 205.70
Hartford. Warburton Chapel Sab. Sch., for Rosebud Indian M. | 20.25
Hartford. “Friends,” 6; Fourth Cong. Ch., 6.25, for Indian M. | 12.25
Higganum. Sab. Sch. of Cong. Ch. | 30.60
Kensington. Cong. Ch., 25; Mrs. Edward Cowles, 3 | 28.00
Lyme. Grassy Hill Cong. Ch. | 8.50
Manchester. Sab. Sch., of North Cong. Ch., for Rosebud Indian M. | 55.14
Mansfield Center. Mrs. B. Swift | 25.00
Mansfield Center. Sab. Sch. of Cong. Ch., for Rosebud Indian M. | 10.00
Marlboro. Cong. Ch. | 20.00
Meriden. Center Ch. | 50.00
Middletown. First Ch., by R. H. Stothart, Treas. | 65.31
Naubuc. “A Friend” (4 of which for Indian M) | 84.00
New Haven. Mrs. A. S. Farnam, for Oahe Ind’l Sch. | 50.00
New Haven. Sab. Sch. of First Cong. Ch., for Kindergarten, Atlanta, Ga. | 25.00
New Haven. Alfred Walker | 10.00
Norfolk. Cong. Ch. and Soc. | 100.00
Norfolk. Cong. Ch., 19.77; Miss M. Curtis, 10, for Indian M. | 29.77
North Cornwall. Cong. Ch., to const. Dwight Rogers and Geo. Hughes, L. M’s | 61.00
Northfield. Cong. Ch. | 42.46
North Haven. Cong. Ch. | 131.00
Norwich. Broadway Cong. Ch. | 200.00
Norwich Town. “The Other Girls,” by Fannie I. Williams, for Conn. Ind’l Sch., Ga. | 22.00
Norwich Town. First Cong. Ch. | 21.00
Old Saybrook. Cong. Ch. | 24.81
Plainville. Solomon Curtiss | 100.00
Plantsville. Walter W. Altwein, for Rosebud Indian M. | 0.10
Putnam. Second Cong. Ch. | 24.62
Rockville. Second Cong. Ch. | 500.00
Salisbury. Cong. Ch. | 87.21
Salisbury. Sab. Sch. Class, by T. J. Roraback, for Oaks, N.C. | 5.00
Sharon. Cong. Ch. and Soc. | 4.75
Southbury. Cong. Ch. and Soc. | 8.40
Southington. Cong. Ch. (of which 1.10 for Conn. Ind’l Sch., Ga) | 51.10
Southport. “A Friend” | 25.00
South Windsor. First Cong. Ch. | 11.96
Suffield. Cong. Ch. and Soc. | 13.90
Terryville. Sab. Sch. of Cong. Ch., for Indian Student Aid | 17.50
Washington. J. G. Fenn | 1.00
Waterbury. First Cong. Ch., for Indian M. | 80.00
Watertown. Mrs. F. Scott’s S. S. Class, for Student Aid, Fort Berthold, Dak. | 15.00
West Hartford. Anson Chappell | 10.00
Westport. Sab. Sch. of Saugatuck Cong. Ch., for Conn. Ind’l Sch., Ga. | 20.00
Westport. Saugatuck Cong. Ch. | 18.00
West Winsted. Second Cong. Ch. and Soc. | 229.11
Windsor. First Cong. Ch. | 45.00
Windsor. Miss M. E. Sill, for Oahe Ind’l Sch. | 25.00
Winsted. First Cong. Ch. | 44.31
Wolcott. Cong. Ch. | 6.00
Woman’s Home Missionary Union of Conn., by Mrs. S. M. Hotchkiss, Sec., for Conn. Ind’l Sch., Ga.:
Suffield. Young Ladies H. M. Circle | 7.37
| —————
| $3,038.88
LEGACY.
Norwich. Estate of Mrs. H. B. Norton, by Miss E. F. Norton | 1,000.00
| —————
| $4,038.88

NEW YORK, $1,409.80.
Batavia. Miss Sarah F. Lincoln | 10.00
Brooklyn. South Cong. Ch., 50; “A Friend,” to const. Hon. Neal Dow, L. M., 30; Rev. S. W. Powell, 3 | 83.00
Candor. Cong. Ch. | 10.08
Chenango Forks. Cong. Ch. | 3.00
Chittenango. Mrs. Amelia L. Brown | 5.00
East Bloomfield. Cong. Ch. and Soc. | 54.00
East Bloomfield. Sab. Sch. of Cong. Ch., for Santee Indian M. | 30.00
East Bloomfield. Mrs. Eliza S. Goodwin | 1.00
Ellington. Mrs. M. Ellsworth | 1.00
Geneva. J. V. Ditmars | 3.00
Greene. Cong. Ch. | 12.00
Hamilton. Cong. Ch., 6.25; O. S. Campbell, 5 | 11.25
Homer. Cong. Ch. | 26.19
Hopkinton. First Cong. Ch. | 17.00
Howell’s. Cong. Ch. | 9.00
Lockport. Sab. Sch. of Cong. Ch. | 75.00
Lowville. Mrs. L. C. Hough, bal. to const. Rev. L. R. Webber, L. M. | 20.00
Madrid. First Cong. Ch. | 5.00
Munnsville. Sab. Sch. of Cong. Ch., for Santee Indian M. | 7.00

New York. S. T. Gordon | 200.00
New York. S. T. Gordon, for Howard U. | 125.00
New York. Sab. Sch. of Broadway Tab., for Student Aid, Fort Berthold, Dak. | 50.00
New York. Bethany Sewing Sch., for Student Aid, Fort Berthold, Dak. | 36.08

——— | 411.08
Patchogue. First Cong. Ch. | 19.41
Portland. First Cong. Ch. | 5.35
Poughkeepsie. Cong. Ch. | 23.30
Sinclearville. E. Williams | 5.00
Spencerport. Sab. Sch. of Cong. Ch., to const. J. C. Brigham, L. M. | 40.00
Union Center. Cong. Ch. | 2.85
Woodville. Cong. Ch. | 10.00
Woman’s Home Missionary Union of N. Y., by Mrs. L. H. Cobb, Treas., for Woman’s Work:

Danby. Acorn Band | 6.80
Walton. Ladies’ Aux. | 20.00

——— | 26.80
| ————
| $926.31
LEGACY.
Albany. Estate of Mrs. Joanna T. D. Carner | 483.49
| ————
| $1,409.80

NEW JERSEY, $280.00.
Chester. “A Friend” | 25.00
Jersey City. Mrs. Henry O. Ames | 5.00
Montclair. First Cong. Ch. | 25.00
Montclair. Sab. Sch. of Cong. Ch., for Student Aid, Talladega C. | 5.00
Orange. “A Friend” | 50.00
Stanley. “The Helping Hands” of Cong. Sab. Sch., for Indian M. | 50.00
Westfield. Mission Band, by Matilda C. Alpers | 20.00
——. “A Friend in New Jersey” | 100.00

PENNSYLVANIA, $32.95.
Centre Road. J. A. Scovel | 12.00
Drifton. Sab. Sch. Class, by Rev. J. P. Humphreys | 1.20
Neath. Cong. Ch. | 3.33
Ridgway. Minnie Kline, for Oaks, N.C. | 5.00
Scranton. Plymouth Ch. | 11.42

OHIO, $509.24.
Akron. Cong. Ch. | 156.73
Alexis. Cong. Ch. | 4.10
Alliance. Sab. Sch. of Cong. Ch., 5.68; Mrs. Rev. J. M. Thomas, 5, for Indian M. | 10.68
Brownhelm. O. H. Perry | 10.00
Burton. Mrs. H. H. Ford | 4.00
Cincinnati. Mrs. Rachel M. Smith | 2.50
Conneaut. H. E. Pond | 5.00
Cuyahoga Falls. Cong. Ch. | 7.82
Harmar. Cong. Ch. | 176.21
Lodi. Cong. Ch., 9.34; Ladies’ Miss’y Soc., 2.50 | 11.84
Marion. Mrs. M. B. Vose | 10.00
Medina. “The Opportunity Club,” by Lulu Ainsworth | 2.00
Newark. First Welsh. Cong. Ch. | 12.81
Oberlin. The Young Ladies’ Miss’y Soc., by A. Grace Allyn, Treas. | 30.00
Oberlin. Y. W. C. A., for Student Aid, Williamsburg, Ky. | 3.00
Painesville. First Cong. Ch. | 30.05
Randolph. W. J. Dickinson | 10.00
Saybrook. Cong. Ch. | 12.00
Wayne. Mrs. Parker, 5; Mrs. A. Jones, 50c.; Mrs. L. C. Bearss, $5 | 10.50

INDIANA, $13.00.
Dunrieth. “A Friend” | 5.00
Michigan City. “Grains of Sand,” (in memory of Sterling Kent), for Kindergarten, Atlanta, Ga. | 3.00
Versailles. Mrs. J. D. Nichols, for Indian M. | 5.00

ILLINOIS, $6,546.12.
Albion. James Green | 10.00
Byron. Cong. Ch. | 15.00
Chicago. New England Cong. Ch., 41.64; Lincoln Park Cong. Ch., 25.70; Y. L. M. Soc. of South Ch., 20 | 87.34
Danville. Mrs. A. M. Swan | 5.00
Evanston. Cong. Ch., to const. Rev. N. H. Whittlesey, Silas D. Jennings, Chas. P. Mitchell and N. D. Wright, L. M’s | 139.59
Galesburg. Elizabeth G. Furness | 5.00
Hinsdale. Cong. Ch. | 23.00
Jacksonville. Cong. Ch. | 1.00
Kewanee. Ladies’ Miss’y Soc., by Mrs. W. H. Lyman, Treas. | 10.00
Lamoille. Cong. Church | 20.10
La Salle. “A Friend” | 50.00
Lowell. “A Friend” | 5.00
Malta. Cong. Ch. | 5.00
Morrison. Cong. Ch. | 30.00
Odell. Ladies of Cong. Ch. | 8.00
Polo. Ind. Presb. Ch. | 26.75
Princeton. Cong. Ch. | 33.30
Providence. Cong. Ch. | 7.04
Rockford. Miss’y Soc. of Rockford Sem. | 8.00
Sycamore. Cong. Ch. | 106.06
Wheaton. Cong. Ch. | 12.50
Wheaton. Mrs. J. C. Webster, “In Memoriam” | 5.00
Woodburn. A. L. Sturges, 10; Cong. Ch., 2.95 | 12.95
Woman’s Home Missionary Union, of Ill., by Mrs. Leavitt, Treas., for Woman’s Work:

Ashkum. L. M. S. of Cong. Ch. | 0.20
Galva. L. M. S. of Cong. Ch. | 33.50
Illini. L. M. S. of Cong. Ch. | 10.30
Payson. L. M. S. of Cong. Ch. | 10.00
Rockford. L. M. S., of Second Ch., to const. Mrs. J. P. Perkins, L. M. | 32.60
Thawville. L. M. S. of Cong. Ch. | 2.00

——— | 88.60
By Rev. T. L. Riggs, for Oahe Ind’l Sch.:

Chicago. W. F. M. Soc., Third Presb. Ch., 25.75; Miss Farrand, 1 | 26.75
Evanston. Cong. Ch. | 42.78

Glencoe. “A Friend” 50; Cong. Ch. “Friends,” 49.78 Sab. Sch. of Cong. Ch., 3.37; Geo. Scott, 10; Mrs. Swan, 10; Mrs. Stoutenberg, 4; “A Friend,” 1

128.15

Kenwood. “Two Ladies” | 1.75
Lakeview. The Church of the Redeemer, 20.21; Evanston Av. Sab. Sch., 10.28 | 30.49
Oak Park. Cong. Ch. | 39.04
Ravenswood. First Cong. Ch., 35.83; and Sab. Sch., 2.70 | 38.53
Winetka. Cong. Ch. | 21.00
—— From Sale of Elizabeth’s Pictures | 3.40

——— | 381.89
| ————
| $1,046.12
LEGACIES.
Chicago. Estate of Mrs. Almira Barnes, by Rev. Henry Willard, Adm. | 500.00
Lamoille. Estate of Joseph Allen, by J. Y. Burnett, Ex. (30 of which to const. J. Y. Burnett, L. M.) | 5,000.00
| ————
| $6,546.12

MICHIGAN, $1,034.08.
Alma. Mrs. L. A. Van Antwerp | 5.00
Bay City. Cong. Ch. | 25.00
Blissfield. Miss Clara M. Janes | 1.00
Detroit. Woodward Ave. Cong. Ch., 66.25; Sab. Sch. of Woodward Ave. Cong. Ch., 20 | 86.25
Eastlake. Cong. Ch. | 2.60
Grand Blanc. Cong. Ch. | 12.36
Ingham. Prof. R. C. Kedzie | 10.00
Irving. Cong. Ch. | 2.00
Ithaca. Rev. and Mrs. A. H. Norris | 10.00
Kalamazoo. Timothy Hudson, 30; Cong. Ch., 8.29., for Oahe Ind’l Sch. | 38.29
Middleville. Cong. Ch. | 4 28
Milford. Wm. A. Arms to const. William A. Crawford, L. M. | 30.00
Milford. Mrs. T. O. Bennett | 5.00
Saint Josephs. By Rev. J. V. Hickmott to const. Newton Vanderveer, L. M. | 32.16
Union City. “A Friend” | 200.00
Webster. Cong. Ch. | 20.40
White Lake. Robert Garner | 10.00
Woman’s Home Missionary Union of Mich., by Mrs. E. F. Grabill, Treas., for Woman’s Work:
Detroit Ladies Union, First Cong. Ch. | 50.00

Detroit. By Rev. T. L. Riggs, for Oahe Industrial Sch:—Mrs. Addison Moffat, 50; Fort St. Cong. Ch., 37.10; Woodward Av. Cong. Ch., 36.81; Woman’s M. Soc. Westminster Presb. Ch., 26.58; Frederic Buhl, 25; S. Scolten, 25; C. H. Buhl, 20; Mrs. Allen Shelden, 20; Mrs. R. A. Alger, 20; C. L. Freer, 20; Sab. Sch. of Fort St. Presb. Ch., 20; Sab. Sch. of St. Paul’s Episcopal Ch., 20; Sab. Sch. of Fort Wayne Cong. Ch., 15; Newell Avery, 15; Third Av. Presb. Ch., 15; T. D. Buhl, 10; Geo. McMillan, 10; C. Buncker, 10; Mrs. Black, 10; Mrs. D. Whitney, 10; Woman’s Mich. Indian Ass’n, 5; Mrs. Walter Buhl, 5; Union Meeting W. M. I. Ass’n, 5; Frank J. Hecker, 5; Mrs. Ford, 5; F. C. Stoepel, 5; E. C. Walker, 5; Bryant Walker, 5; S. C. Caskey, 5; C. A. Strelinger, 5; Dr. H. K. Lathrop, 4; “Two Ladies,” 2; Miss Leet, 2; C. A. Robinson, 1;——, 1; “Two Young Ladies,” 50c.; Sale of Elizabeth’s pictures, 3.75

489.74

WISCONSIN, $401.81.
Appleton. First Cong. Ch. | 28.60
Arena. First Cong. Ch. | 5.00
Arena. W. H. Jones, for Oahe Ind’l Sch. | 5.00
Beloit. First Cong. Ch., 151.07; “A Friend”, 85c. | 151.92
Blake’s Prairie. Cong. Ch. | 1.55
Eau Claire. Sab. Sch. of First Cong. Ch. | 10.00
Evansville. Cong. Ch. | 24.00
Fond du Lac. Cong. Ch. | 49.64
Fulton. Sab. Sch. of Cong. Ch., for Rosebud Indian M. | 5.79
Lake Geneva. Cong. Ch. | 11.00
Menomonie. Cong. Ch. | 15.00
Peshtigo. Rev. H. C. Todd | 5.00
Platteville. Cong. Ch. | 20.00
Racine. Cong. Ch. | 34.84
Windsor. Cong. Ch. | 8.00
Woman’s Home Missionary Union of Wis., for Woman’s Work:

Beloit. Prof. J. Emerson | 1.00
Berlin. W. H. M. S. | 5.00
Brodhead. W. H. M. S. | 2.00
Kankauna. S. S. of Cong. Ch. | 2.00
Madison. W. H. M. S. Cong. Ch. | 8.00
Madison. Mrs. Cramers S. S. Class | 1.22
Milton Junction. Mrs. Chapman and Sister | 1.25
Ripon. W. H. M. S. | 1.00
Ripon. Mrs. E. H. Merrill | 5.00

—— | 26.47

IOWA, $360.99.
Anamosa. Cong. Ch. and Soc., 24.17; Sab. Sch., 5.83 | 30.00
Anita. Cong. Ch. | 5.60
Decorah. Cong. Ch. | 48.35
Farragut. Cong. Ch. | 28.10
Fort Dodge. First Cong. Ch. | 9.00
Grinnell. Cong. Ch. | 137.06
Humboldt. Cong. Ch. | 16.60
Independence. Cong. Ch. | 5.45
Percival. Cong. Ch., 5; Rev. A. M. Beman, 1 | 6.00
Red Oak. Cong. Ch. | 18.80
Webster. Cong. Ch. | 2.50
Woman’s Home Miss’y Union of Iowa, for Woman’s Work:

Des Moines. North Park | 2.48
Fairfield | 4.75
Grinnell | 8.38
Le Mars | 4.30
Marion | 10.00
Osage | 2.66
Polk City | 1.38
Sheldon | 1.08
Traer | 16.00
Wells—Madison Co. | 2.50

—— | 53.53

MINNESOTA, $376.23.
Ada. Cong. Ch. | 2.57
Brainerd. First Cong. Ch. | 12.90
Faribault. Cong. Ch. | 28.88
Glyndon. “The Ch. at Glyndon,” 4.75; Union Sab. Sch., 70c. | 5.45
Leech Lake. C. P. Allen, to const. himself, L. M. | 30.00
Mankato. Cong. Ch. | 4.00
Minneapolis. Plymouth Ch., 28; Lyndale Ch., 22.06; Prof. W. M. Bristoll, 5 | 55.06
Rushford. Cong. Ch. | 1.32
Saint Cloud. First Cong. Ch. | 3.80
Saint Paul. Y. L. M. Ass’n of Park Cong. Ch., for Jonesboro, Tenn. | 40.00
Saint Paul. Plym. Cong. Ch. | 14.25
Three Lakes. Mrs. E. Leonard | 1.00
Tivoli. Lyman Humiston | 1.00
Waseca. First Cong. Ch. | 21.00
——. “Minnesota Friends” | 100.00
——. “A Friend” | 55.00

MISSOURI, $57.15.
Amity. Cong. Ch. | 15.15
Ironton. J. Markham | 2.00
Saint Louis. Pilgrim Cong. Ch. | 40.00

KANSAS, $26.80.
Carbondale. Cong. Ch. | 1.10
Manhattan. Cong. Ch., Mrs. Mary Parker, 20; S. D. Moses, 1; Mrs. Clara Castle, 50c.; Rev. R. M. Tumell, 50c | 22.00
Ridgeway. Cong. Ch. | 3.70

DAKOTA, $188.64.
Canton. Cong. Ch., for Oahe Ind’l Sch. | 5.45
De Smit. Cong. Ch., for Oahe Ind’l Sch. | 10.58
Huron. Cong. Ch., 12.50; “Two Little Girls,” 50c., for Oahe Ind’l School | 13.00
Lake Preston. Cong. Ch. | 8.00
Oahe. Interest on Endowment, for Oahe Ind’l School | 20.00
Scotland. German Cong. Ch., for Oahe Ind’l Sch. | 25.00
Valley Springs. Cong. Ch., for Oahe Ind’l Sch. | 3.76
Valley Springs. Cong. Ch. | 2.85
| ————
| $88.64
LEGACY.
Dwight. Estate of Mrs. L. H. Porter, by Rev. Sam’l. F. Porter | 100.00
| ————
| $188.64

COLORADO, $46.48.
Highlandlake. Sab. Sch. Miss’y Soc | 16.35
West Denver. Cong. Ch., 17.66; Ladies’ Miss’y Soc., 9.25; Sab. Sch., 3.22; by Rev. R. T. Cross | 30.13

NEBRASKA, $95.00.
Cambridge. Mrs. J. L. Hall | 2.00
Nebraska City. Woman’s Miss’y Soc. of Cong. Ch. | 3.00
Omaha. W. N. McCandlish, to const. Mrs. Fannie W. McCandlish and Cora McCandlish, L. M’s | 60.00
Santee. “Friend,” for Indian M. | 10.00
Santee Agency. Mary Ward Green | 20.00

CALIFORNIA, $19.00.
Belmont. Mrs. E. L. Reed | 10.00
Berkely. Park Ch. (Young People) | 2.50
Oakland. Christian Endeavor Soc., of Second Cong. Ch. | 2.50
Woodland. Cong. Ch. | 4.00

OREGON, $7.00.
Portland. Sab. Sch. of First Cong. Ch., bal. to const. Mrs. James Steel, L. M. | 7.00

WASHINGTON TER., $2.70.
Olympia. Sab. Sch. of Cong. Ch. | 2.70

DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, $6.00.
Washington. Lincoln Mem. Ch. | 6.00
Washington. H. M. Soc. of First Cong. Ch., Bbl. of C., for Tougaloo U.

WEST VIRGINIA, $2.50.
Lewisburg. Mrs. E. R. Marvin | 2.50

KENTUCKY, $803.38.
Lexington. Tuition, 753.30; Rent, $8.50; W. T. U., 1.83 | 763.63
Williamsburg. Tuition, 34.25; Mrs. F. E. Jenkins, 2.50; “Friend,” by Mrs. A. A. Myers, 3 | 39.75

TENNESSEE, $187.90.
Grand View. Tuition | 40.10
Jonesboro. Tuition | 3.25
Pleasant Hill. Y. P. Miss’y Soc. of Second Cong. Ch. | 10.00
Sherwood. Tuition | 134.55

NORTH CAROLINA, $2.50.
Troy. Cong. Ch. | 1.00
Wilmington. Tuition | 1.50

SOUTH CAROLINA, $188.00.
Charleston. Tuition | 188.00

GEORGIA, $4.50.
Marietta. Cong. Ch., 1.70, and Sab. Sch., 1.30 | 3.00
Savannah. Rent | 1.50

ALABAMA, $160.77.
Montgomery. Cong. Ch. | 8.00
Selma. Rent | 100.00
Talladega. Tuition | 52.77

MISSISSIPPI, $3,002.00.
Tougaloo. State Appropriation | 3,000.00
Tougaloo. Rent | 2.00

INCOMES, $725.00.
Avery Fund, for Mendi M. | 570.00
DeForest Fund, for President’s Chair, Talladega C. | 125.00
Scholarship Fund, for Fisk U. | 30.00

CANADA, $5.00.
Montreal. “A” | 5.00

ENGLAND, $10.00.
——. Miss S. L. Ropes | 10.00
| ========
Donations | $16,041.24
Legacies | 8,000.63
Tuition and Rents | 1,219.72
Incomes | 725.00
| —————
Total for July | $25,986.59
Total from Oct. 1 to July 31 | 229,507.33
| ========

FOR THE AMERICAN MISSIONARY.
Subscriptions for July | $86.93
Previously acknowledged | 856.37
| ———
Total | $943.30
| ======

FOR ARTHINGTON MISSION.
Hillsdale, Mich., Estate of Mrs. T. F. Douglass, by Mrs. S. V. Slaytor, Ass’t Adm., | $100.00

H. W. Hubbard, Treasurer,
56 Reade St., N.Y.

JAMES McCREERY & CO.

Previous to opening their new stock of Fall Dress Goods, offer the following bargains:

One line of Mixed Suitings, 44 inches wide, at 75 cts.; former price, $1.25 per yard.

One line of French Canvas Cloths, 50 cts.; former price $1.00 per yard. Both of the above lines are all wool and very desirable.

Orders by mail will receive prompt and careful attention.

BROADWAY and ELEVENTH ST.,

NEW YORK.

INDELIBLE

Mark your Clothing! Clear Record of half a Century.

“Most Reliable and Simplest for plain or decorative marking.” Use a common pen.

Sold by all Druggists, Stationers, News and Fancy Goods dealers.

PAYSON’S

Indelible Ink!

160 Pages.

Strong Board Covers.

30 cents each, postpaid.

$25.00 per 100.

SEND TO

THE PHILLIPS PUBLISHING CO.,

Bible House, New York.

Reliable Carpenter Organs

for

CHURCH and

CHAPEL.

The Carpenter Organs contain the celebrated CARPENTER ORGAN ACTION. They are pure in tone, perfect in construction, in exact accord with the voice, and full of patented improvements. More than 50 different styles, ranging in price from $20 up. “Mr. Carpenter builds most emphatically AN HONEST ORGAN.”—Youth’s Companion. All organs of our manufacture warranted for 8 years. Special inducements to ministers and churches. Catalogue free. E. P. Carpenter Co., Brattleboro, Vt.

W

Invaluable
in every
School and
at every
Fireside.

EBSTER’S

Unabridged Dictionary.

A DICTIONARY,

118,000 Words, 3000 Engravings, a

GAZETTEER OF THE WORLD,
of 25,000 Titles, and a

BIOGRAPHICAL DICTIONARY,
of nearly 10,000 Noted Persons,

ALL IN ONE BOOK.

Contains 3000 more Words and nearly 2000 more Illustrations than any other American Dictionary.

G. & C. MERRIAM & CO., Pub’rs, Springfield, Mass.

CHARMING STORIES.

INSTRUCTIVE READING.

APPLETONS’

INSTRUCTIVE READING BOOKS.

THE NATURAL HISTORY SERIES,

By JAMES JOHONNOT.

No. 1. | | Book of Cats and Dogs, and Other Friends. For Little Folks. Price, 20 cents.
No. 2. | | Friends in Feathers and Fur, and other Neighbors. For Young Folks. Price, 35 cents.

No. 3.

{

Neighbors with Wings and Fins, and some others. For Boys and Girls. Price, 47 cents
Some Curious Flyers, Creepers and Swimmers. (Intermediate.) Price, 47 cents.

No. 4. | | Neighbors with Claws and Hoofs, and their Kin. For Young People. Price, 63 cents.
No. 5. | | Glimpses of the Animate World: Science and Literature of Natural History. For School or Home. Price, $1.20.

The publication of this series marks a distinct and important advance in the adaptation of special knowledge and general literature to the intelligent comprehension of pupils of all grades of attainment. While in no wise tending to do away with the regular school-readers, the “Instructive Reading-Books” introduce suggestive and valuable information and specific knowledge, covering many of the subjects which will eventually be more minutely investigated by the maturing of the pupil’s mind. Sent postpaid on receipt of price. Special terms made on class supplies.

D. APPLETON & CO., Publishers,

NEW YORK. BOSTON. CHICAGO. ATLANTA. SAN FRANCISCO.

A. H. ANDREWS & CO.

MANUFACTURERS OF

School, Church, Chapel and Sunday-School Seating.

DOVETAILED SCHOOL-DESKS, GLOBES, MAPS, CHARTS, BLACK-BOARDS, &C.

CHURCH CHAIRS, PEWS, PULPITS, COMMUNION TABLES, COLLECTION PLATES, &C., &C.

IMPROVED METHODS OF SEATING WITH SETTEES AND TAYLOR PATENT CHAIRS.

Catalogues free on application.

A. H. ANDREWS & CO.,

686 Broadway, New York City.
195 Wabash Avenue, Chicago.

Liquid

Cottage Colors.

The best MIXED PAINTS manufactured. Guaranteed to give perfect satisfaction if properly applied. They are heavy bodied, and for work that does not require an extra heavy coat, they can be thinned (with our Old Fashioned Kettle-boiled Linseed Oil) and still cover better than most of the mixed paints sold in the market, many of which have so little stock in them that they will not give a good solid coat.

Some manufacturers of mixed paints direct NOT to rub out the paint, but to FLOW it on; the reason being that if such stuff were rubbed out there would be but little left to cover, would be transparent. Our Cottage Colors have great strength or body, and, like any good paint, should be worked out well under the brush. The covering property of this paint is so excellent as to allow this to be done.

Put up for shipment as follows: In 3-gal. and 5-gal. bailed buckets, also barrels; in cans of ⅛, ¼, ½, 1-gal. and 2-gal. each.

Sample Cards of Colors, Testimonials and prices sent on application to

Chicago White Lead & Oil Co.,

Cor. Green & Fulton Streets,

CHICACO, ILL.

9 MILLION worn during the past six years.

This marvelous success is due—

1st.—To the superiority of Coraline over all other materials, as a stiffener for Corsets.

2d.—To the superior quality, shape and workmanship of our Corsets, combined with their low prices.

Avoid cheap imitations made of various kinds of cord. None are genuine unless

“DR. WARNER’S CORALINE”

is printed on inside of steel cover.

FOR SALE BY ALL LEADING MERCHANTS.

WARNER BROTHERS,

359 Broadway, | New York City.

Hamilton Vocalion Organs
of 2 manuals and 2 sets of pedals, $750; equalling in beauty, variety and volume a pipe organ of 600 pipes by the best maker. Circulars, with testimonials of leading musicians and organists of the world.

“Without a doubt the Vocalion is at present the nearest approach to a pipe organ.”—Clarence Eddy, Organist First Presbyterian Church, Chicago.

“I have only words of praise in its favor.”—Henry Eyre Brown, Organist, Brooklyn Tabernacle.

“Especially valuable for Churches and Concert Rooms.”—A. H. Messiter, Organist, Trinity Ch., N.Y.

“A tone so rich and musical must be recognized as valuable for special and new orchestral effects.”—Henry Carter, Organist, N.Y.

“Your Vocalion has a magnificent future.”—Sir Arthur Sullivan.

“A rare combination of power and sweetness.”—Adelina Patti.

Catalogue sent free.

WAREROOMS, 28 EAST 23d ST., NEW YORK, N.Y.

JOSEPH GILLOTT’S
STEEL PENS

GOLD MEDAL PARIS EXPOSITION—1878.

THE MOST PERFECT OF PENS

Ditson & Co’s Sunday-School Music
ranks with the very best, and no Sunday-school management should adopt a new Singing Book without carefully examining one of their “tried and true” Sunday-School Song Books.

Voices of Praise (40 cts., $4.20 per doz.) Rev. C. L. Hutchins. Music and poetry dignified and classical, but not dull; in fact, bright and enthusiastic. Very large collection for the money.

Singing on the Way (35 cts., $3.60 per doz.) by Mrs. Jewett, ably assisted by Dr. Holbrook, whose noble compositions are known and loved in all the churches. This, like the book above mentioned, does excellently well for a Vestry Singing Book for prayer and praise meetings.

Songs of Promise (35 cts., $3.60 per doz.) J. H. Tenney and Rev. E. A. Hoffman—the first highly gifted, musically, and the second the author of many hymns of refined and beautiful quality. One of the newest books.

Song Worship (35 cts., $3.60 per doz.) L. O. Emerson and W. E. Sherwin, both celebrated compilers, composers and leaders, and the latter well-known as having had charge of the music at many Chautauqua meetings.

For other good books, please send for lists and catalogues.

For a lovely little book for the young children of a Sunday-school, look no further than FRESH FLOWERS (25 cts., $2.40 per doz.), Emma Pitt. Sweet Hymns, Sweet Music, Pretty Pictures.

Mailed for Retail Price.

OLIVER DITSON & CO., BOSTON.

C. H. Ditson & Co.,
867 Broadway, New York.

6%, 7%, 8%.

The american
investment co.

of Emmettsburg, Iowa,
with a Paid-up capital of $600,000, SURPLUS $75,000, offers First Mortgage Loans drawing SEVEN per cent., both Principal and Interest FULLY GUARANTEED. Also 6 per cent. ten-year Debenture Bonds, secured by 105 per cent. of First Mortgage Loans held in trust by the Mercantile Trust Company, New York. 5 per cent. certificates of deposit for periods under one year.

7⅔%

CAN BE REALIZED BY CHANGING
4 Per Ct. Government Bonds
Into 6 Per Cent. Debentures.

Write for full information and reference to the Company at

150 Nassau Street, New York.

A. L. ORMSBY, Vice-President and Gen. Manager.

STATEMENT.

Phenix Insurance Company

OF BROOKLYN, N.Y.

JANUARY 1st, 1887.

CASH CAPITAL | $1,000,000.00
GROSS SURPLUS | 4,383,171.68
| ——————
Gross Assets | $5,383,171.68
| ===========
ASSETS. |
United States Bonds, market value | $1,104,250.00
Other Stocks and Bonds | 1,502,858.90
Loans on Bond and Mortgage | 294,900.00
Loans on Call | 80,758.76
Cash in Bank and Office | 495,135.83
Real Estate | 1,082,787.53
Premiums in Course of Collection | 667,231.88
Interest Accrued | 11,716.42
Bills Receivable for Marine Premiums | 140,284.55
Rents Due and Accrued | 3,247.81
| ——————
| $5,383,171.68
| ===========
LIABILITIES. |
CASH CAPITAL | $1,000,000.00
Reserve for Unearned Premiums | 3,466,886.97
Reserve for Unpaid Losses | 353,759.83
All Other Liabilities | 5,438.10
NET SURPLUS | 557,086.78
| ——————
| $5,383,171.68
| ===========

STEPHEN CROWELL, President, | GEO. H. FISKE, | }
WM. R. CROWELL, Vice-President. | CHAS. C. LITTLE, | } Ass’t Sec’s.
PHILANDER SHAW, Secretary. | JOHN H. DOUGHERTY, | }

Clinton H. Meneely

BELL COMPANY

Troy, N.Y.,

MANUFACTURE SUPERIOR

Church, Chime and

Peal Bells.

1850
Thirty-Seventh Year.
1887

Manhattan Life

INSURANCE CO.

OF NEW YORK,

156 AND 158 BROADWAY.

AGENTS WANTED.

We desire to engage the services of competent, reliable men as Agents, in localities where this company is not now represented. Liberal arrangements will be made with men who would like to undertake the business. The requirements are, a good reputation for honesty and integrity, popularity, intelligence, industry and perseverance. With these qualities any man can succeed; if he can add enthusiasm he can command great success. Send references as to ability, integrity, etc.

Accumulation | 11,155,000
Surplus, by New York standard, | 2,254,000

Cash surrender values. Policy incontestable after five years. Very liberal to insurers, embracing the non-forfeiture law of New York.

JAMES M. McLEAN, President.

J. L. Halsey, 1st Vice-Pres’t.

H. B. Stokes, 2d Vice-Pres’t.

H. Y. Wemple, Secretary.

S. N. Stebbins, Actuary.

USE

“Our constant
aim is to make them
the Finest in the World.”

PAYSON, DUNTON & SCRIBNER.

THE NATIONAL SYSTEM.

The Standard of American Penmanship.

TITLE WON, NOT ASSUMED.

In Rank: Leading the Advance.

In Cost: Cheap as the Cheapest.

WHOLESALE PRICES.

P., D. & S. Copybooks, large series | 96 cents per dozen.
P., D. & S. Copybooks, primary series | 72 cents per dozen.
P., D. & S. Copybooks, pencil series | 45 cents per dozen.

SAMPLE COPIES AT SATISFACTORY RATES.

POTTER, KNIGHT, AINSWORTH & CO.,

SCHOOL-BOOK PUBLISHERS, NEW YORK.

DEPOSITORY AGENCIES:

BOSTON: 22 Bromfield Street.

CHICAGO: 377 Wabash Avenue.

HOME

INSURANCE COMPANY OF NEW YORK.

OFFICE, 119 BROADWAY.

SIXTY-EIGHTH SEMI-ANNUAL STATEMENT,

JULY, 1887.

CASH CAPITAL, | $3,000,000.00
Reserve Premium Fund, | 3,108,596.00
Reserve for Unpaid Losses and Accruing Taxes, | 304,419.04
Net Surplus, | 1,442,494.58
| ——————
CASH ASSETS, | $7,855,509.62

SUMMARY OF ASSETS.

Cash in Banks | $91,685.16
Bonds and Mortgages, being first lien on Real Estate | 614,450.00
United States Stocks (market value) | 2,567,000.00
Bank and Railroad Stocks and Bonds (market value) | 1,811,650.00
State and City Bonds (market value) | 226,000.00
Loans on Stocks, payable on demand | 848,400.00
Interest due on 1st July, 1887 | 33,587.32
Premiums uncollected and in hands of Agents | 281,955.86
Real Estate | 1,380,781.28
| ——————
Total, | $7,855,509.62

DIRECTORS.

Isaac H. Frothingham, | Oliver S. Carter, | John H. Inman,
Alfred S. Barnes, | Henry M. Taber, | Walter H. Lewis,
Levi P. Morton, | D. A. Heald, | Francis H. Leggett,
Henry A. Hurlbut, | D. H. McAlpin, | Benjamin Perkins,
William Sturgis, | A. C. Armstrong, | H. E. Beguelin,
Charles J. Martin, | Cornelius N. Bliss, | George W. Smith,
John R. Ford, | Edmund F. Holbrook, | Fred. P. Olcott,
Wm. R. Fosdick, | John H. Washburn, | J. Harsen Rhoades.
Wm. H. Townsend,

T. B. GREENE, | } | | CHAS. J. MARTIN, President,
W. L. BIGELOW, | } | Ass’t Sec’s. | D. A. HEALD, Vice-President,
E. G. SNOW, Jr., | } | | J. H. WASHBURN, Vice-Pres’t & Sec’y.

Agents at all important points in the United States.

THE FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL MEETING

OF THE

AMERICAN MISSIONARY ASSOCIATION,

WILL BE HELD AT

PORTLAND ME., OCT. 25-27.

Rev. A. J. F. Behrends, D.D., of Brooklyn, will preach the sermon.

The Meeting will be held in the Second Church, of which Rev. C. H. Daniels is Pastor. The friends in Portland have already begun preparations for the reception of the Association.

Life Members and Delegates chosen by contributing churches, Local Conferences, and State Associations, constitute the Annual Meeting, as will be seen by the following article of the Constitution.

Art. III. Members of evangelical churches may be constituted members of this Association for life by the payment of thirty dollars into its treasury, with the written declaration at the time or times of payment that the sum is to be applied to constitute a designated person a life member; and such membership shall begin sixty days after the payment shall have been completed. Other persons, by the payment of the same sum, may be made life members, without the privilege of voting.

Every evangelical church which has within a year contributed to the funds of the Association, and every State Conference or Association of such churches, may appoint two delegates to the Annual Meeting of the Association; such delegates, duly attested by credentials, shall be members of the Association for the year for which they were thus appointed.

So far as possible, the Portland churches will entertain those who attend. Those purposing to be present and wishing entertainment are requested to write to Rev. C. H. Daniels, Chairman of the Committee of Entertainment, or Rev. S. K. Perkins, Secretary, Portland, Me.

Application must be made before Oct. 1st. Special rates will be arranged at hotels for those who desire to pay their own way. Railroad and steamboat favors will be secured as far as possible, and notices of reductions and other matters will appear later in the magazine and in the religious press.

Press of Holt Brothers, 119-121 Nassau St., N.Y.

Transcriber’s Notes:

Obvious printer’s punctuation errors and omissions have been corrected. Inconsistent hyphenation is retained due to the multiplicity of authors. To facilitate eBook alignment, Ditto marks have been replaced with the text they represent.

“Miscengenation” changed to “Miscegenation” on page 249. (Miscegenation of Ideas)

Changed “hundreths” to “hundredths” on page 268. (ninety-nine one-hundredths)

The first word of the last line on page 269 was incompletely printed on all available copies and has been represented by a dashed line. (high time for good men to ——)

“Christrians” changed to “Christians” in the Holliston entry on page 273.

“Plymouh” changed to “Plymouth” in the first entry on page 277.

Missing “d” in “had” replaced in the Ditson advertisement.

*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE AMERICAN MISSIONARY — VOLUME 41, NO. 9, SEPTEMBER, 1887 ***

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Table of Contents

- The American Missionary
- CONTENTS
- American Missionary Association.

- EDITORIAL

- THINGS TO BE REMEMBERED—NO 4.

- THE GLENN BILL IN THE GEORGIA LEGISLATURE.

- TEXT OF THE BILL.

- WHY THE BILL WAS INTRODUCED.

- THE CHAIN-GANG.

- WHAT THE PRESS HAS TO SAY.

- EXTRACTS FROM THE SOUTHERN PRESS.

- GEORGIA’S NEED OF TEACHERS.

- LE MOYNE INSTITUTE.

- THE CHINESE.

- CALIFORNIA AS A MISSIONARY FIELD.

- GRADUATING ADDRESS OF YAN PHOU LEE, AT YALE COLLEGE.

- RECEIPTS FOR JULY, 1887.

- Transcriber’s Notes:

- THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE